Ralph Wessels retweeted
🚨 La Suède vient de réaliser son objectif : revenir à 35% de dette publique sur PIB.
Quel exploit.
En 1995, la dette 🇸🇪 était à 85%. 💀
2 ans plus tôt, le pays avait perdu son AAA.
11,2% de déficit au creux de la crise.
Une des raisons (au-delà des dépenses sociales) : l'État à accorder des prêts pour que "les personnes défavorisées puissent devenir propriétaire".
Résultat, le secteur bancaire s'était effondré.
😅
Ce que la Suède a fait pour s'en sortir :
→ Laisser le secteur privé tranquille
→ Couper dans ses dépenses
→ Réformer
→ Offrir plus de liberté aux entreprises
→ Supprimer les impôts démagogiques qui appauvrissaient le pays en faisant fuir la richesse (taxe sur les transactions financières, la taxe héritage à 90%...)
La Suède nous a montré le chemin.
Arrêtons d'écouter ceux qui veulent TOUJOURS relancer l'économie par l'augmentation de la dépense publique (ou la taxation des riches/whatever) alors que notre dette est à 119%.
Quel exploit.
En 1995, la dette 🇸🇪 était à 85%. 💀
2 ans plus tôt, le pays avait perdu son AAA.
11,2% de déficit au creux de la crise.
Une des raisons (au-delà des dépenses sociales) : l'État à accorder des prêts pour que "les personnes défavorisées puissent devenir propriétaire".
Résultat, le secteur bancaire s'était effondré.
😅
Ce que la Suède a fait pour s'en sortir :
→ Laisser le secteur privé tranquille
→ Couper dans ses dépenses
→ Réformer
→ Offrir plus de liberté aux entreprises
→ Supprimer les impôts démagogiques qui appauvrissaient le pays en faisant fuir la richesse (taxe sur les transactions financières, la taxe héritage à 90%...)
La Suède nous a montré le chemin.
Arrêtons d'écouter ceux qui veulent TOUJOURS relancer l'économie par l'augmentation de la dépense publique (ou la taxation des riches/whatever) alors que notre dette est à 119%.
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Ralph Wessels retweeted
The situation in Poland is much simpler than all the talk of a “coup” suggests.
PiS, Jarosław Kaczyński’s party, which backed current President Karol Nawrocki, refused to recognise three lawfully elected Constitutional Tribunal judges back in 2015, together with then-President ges were Roman Hauser, Andrzej Jakubecki and Krzysztof Ślebzak. PiS installed its own picks in their seats: Henryk Cioch, Lech Morawski and Mariusz Muszyński. Even after the Tribunal confirmed that the original three had been lawfully elected, PiS and Duda refused to respect its ruling. They put their own political interests above the court’s decision.
Yes, the previous PO–PSL coalition had also broken the rules by electing two additional judges before it was entitled to: Bronisław Sitek and Andrzej Sokala. But when the Tribunal ruled against those appointments, the coalition accepted the decision. Borys Budka even apologised on behalf of PO. PiS never complied with the ruling concerning the three lawfully elected judges. That difference matters. One side accepted an unfavourable ruling. The other refused to obey it.
The court’s membership changed over the years. Cioch and Morawski died in 2017 and were replaced by Jarosław Wyrembak and Justyn Piskorski. Muszyński’s nine-year term ended in December 2024. Other judges’ terms ended too. Seats became vacant, and new judges needed to be elected.
Poland’s Constitutional Tribunal judges are elected by the Sejm, the lower house of parliament, for nine-year terms. Donald Tusk’s governing coalition currently holds a majority there. That majority has the constitutional right to elect judges to fill those vacancies. PiS losing its parliamentary majority did not give it the right to block that process indefinitely.
The Sejm elected eight new judges. President Nawrocki accepted the oaths of three: Magdalena Bentkowska, Dariusz Szostek and Sławomir Patyra. But he refused to accept the oaths of the other five: Krystian Markiewicz, Maciej Taborowski, Marcin Dziurda, Anna Korwin-Piotrowska and Maciej Berek. They eventually took their oaths without him present, formally addressing them to the president.
The oath is required by law. But it does not give the president a personal veto over parliament’s choice of judges. He is required to accept their oaths. The Tribunal itself ruled on this back in 2015. In October 2026, the Venice Commission backed that interpretation and supported allowing judges to take their oaths without the president physically present if he blocks the process, provided the necessary formalities are followed.
Yet the leadership of the very same Tribunal where PiS had unlawfully installed its own judges refused to let the new judges do their jobs. The court’s president, Bogdan Święczkowski, insisted that they could not serve unless they took their oaths in Nawrocki’s presence. The president blocked the normal procedure, and the Tribunal’s leadership used that blockage to keep them out.
On October 30, Anna Korwin-Piotrowska announced the temporary suspension of Święczkowski and his deputy, Bartłomiej Sochański, and assumed leadership of the Tribunal. Lawyers dispute whether she had the legal authority to suspend them in that way. That specific step deserves legal scrutiny. It does not erase the obstruction that led to it.
I support Tusk’s efforts to end this obstruction, and I don’t buy the claims of a coup. PiS does not get to unlawfully install its own judges, refuse to respect court rulings, and then demand that everyone treat the situation it created as untouchable.
Tusk is right to push back. Judges elected by the Sejm should be allowed to do their jobs. The president has constitutional duties, not a personal veto over the court’s membership. And PiS has no permanent claim to Poland’s Constitutional Tribunal.
PiS, Jarosław Kaczyński’s party, which backed current President Karol Nawrocki, refused to recognise three lawfully elected Constitutional Tribunal judges back in 2015, together with then-President ges were Roman Hauser, Andrzej Jakubecki and Krzysztof Ślebzak. PiS installed its own picks in their seats: Henryk Cioch, Lech Morawski and Mariusz Muszyński. Even after the Tribunal confirmed that the original three had been lawfully elected, PiS and Duda refused to respect its ruling. They put their own political interests above the court’s decision.
Yes, the previous PO–PSL coalition had also broken the rules by electing two additional judges before it was entitled to: Bronisław Sitek and Andrzej Sokala. But when the Tribunal ruled against those appointments, the coalition accepted the decision. Borys Budka even apologised on behalf of PO. PiS never complied with the ruling concerning the three lawfully elected judges. That difference matters. One side accepted an unfavourable ruling. The other refused to obey it.
The court’s membership changed over the years. Cioch and Morawski died in 2017 and were replaced by Jarosław Wyrembak and Justyn Piskorski. Muszyński’s nine-year term ended in December 2024. Other judges’ terms ended too. Seats became vacant, and new judges needed to be elected.
Poland’s Constitutional Tribunal judges are elected by the Sejm, the lower house of parliament, for nine-year terms. Donald Tusk’s governing coalition currently holds a majority there. That majority has the constitutional right to elect judges to fill those vacancies. PiS losing its parliamentary majority did not give it the right to block that process indefinitely.
The Sejm elected eight new judges. President Nawrocki accepted the oaths of three: Magdalena Bentkowska, Dariusz Szostek and Sławomir Patyra. But he refused to accept the oaths of the other five: Krystian Markiewicz, Maciej Taborowski, Marcin Dziurda, Anna Korwin-Piotrowska and Maciej Berek. They eventually took their oaths without him present, formally addressing them to the president.
The oath is required by law. But it does not give the president a personal veto over parliament’s choice of judges. He is required to accept their oaths. The Tribunal itself ruled on this back in 2015. In October 2026, the Venice Commission backed that interpretation and supported allowing judges to take their oaths without the president physically present if he blocks the process, provided the necessary formalities are followed.
Yet the leadership of the very same Tribunal where PiS had unlawfully installed its own judges refused to let the new judges do their jobs. The court’s president, Bogdan Święczkowski, insisted that they could not serve unless they took their oaths in Nawrocki’s presence. The president blocked the normal procedure, and the Tribunal’s leadership used that blockage to keep them out.
On October 30, Anna Korwin-Piotrowska announced the temporary suspension of Święczkowski and his deputy, Bartłomiej Sochański, and assumed leadership of the Tribunal. Lawyers dispute whether she had the legal authority to suspend them in that way. That specific step deserves legal scrutiny. It does not erase the obstruction that led to it.
I support Tusk’s efforts to end this obstruction, and I don’t buy the claims of a coup. PiS does not get to unlawfully install its own judges, refuse to respect court rulings, and then demand that everyone treat the situation it created as untouchable.
Tusk is right to push back. Judges elected by the Sejm should be allowed to do their jobs. The president has constitutional duties, not a personal veto over the court’s membership. And PiS has no permanent claim to Poland’s Constitutional Tribunal.
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Ralph Wessels retweeted
'In plaats van zuinig zijn op ondernemers, ben je bezig ze weg te werken'
Jesse Klaver wil de Quote 500 zwaarder belasten, zodat de rekening niet langer bij werkende Nederlanders terechtkomt. Er is zelfs een petitie gestart. Maar opiniemaker @martinvisser vindt dat de discussie verder moet gaan dan alleen de allerrijksten. Volgens hem kan de overheid beter 8 miljard euro besparen dan dat bedrag via belastingen ophalen. #nieuwsvandedag
Jesse Klaver wil de Quote 500 zwaarder belasten, zodat de rekening niet langer bij werkende Nederlanders terechtkomt. Er is zelfs een petitie gestart. Maar opiniemaker @martinvisser vindt dat de discussie verder moet gaan dan alleen de allerrijksten. Volgens hem kan de overheid beter 8 miljard euro besparen dan dat bedrag via belastingen ophalen. #nieuwsvandedag
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Ralph Wessels retweeted
All of the US's (former) allies need to be prepared for the US to walk away from every security/defense agreement it has by the end of the year.
❗️The Atlantic reports Trump wants a Ukraine peace deal signed by Zelenskyy and Putin at the December G20 summit in Miami, hosted at his golf club. Advisers say a November meeting in China between Trump, Xi and Putin could come first. The magazine says Trump is attracted to the idea of the three powers dividing the world into spheres of influence, even if pressure on Ukraine is required. A Ukrainian official said it feels as though decisions are being made without Kyiv. #Ukraine
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Wat gaat AI u kosten? Check mijn video voor het antwoord
AI dominante thema voor dit cijferseizoen. De vraag is, worden alle investeringen terugverdiend? Ralph Wessels van ABN AMRO blijft positief youtube.com/watch?v=EQuhhp… @ralphsfocus @ABNAMROeconomen
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Ralph Wessels retweeted
Dure les voor PRO
@FD
@NOS @nu @ADnl @telegraaf @volkskrant @trouw @nrc @FD @vandaaginside @RTLnieuws @RTLZ
@FD
@NOS @nu @ADnl @telegraaf @volkskrant @trouw @nrc @FD @vandaaginside @RTLnieuws @RTLZ
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Ze lijken in de VS langzaam wakker te worden over de gevolgen van Trump’s beleid Vreemd dat dat nu pas is … Trump's America-first world is pushing other powers to hedge their bets cnbc.com/2026/09/12/bri…
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🫢
The boulder is easily 8-10m across that puts its weight around 1500-3000 metric tons ( ~ 2600 kg/m³ for typical Himalayan rock density)
to move such a massive object the estimated drag force on that boulder could easily be of the order of 5 million to 20 million newtons
for comparison, Falcon Heavy first stage rocket produces a force of 23 Million newtons!!!
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“The surprise visit by the director of the Central Intelligence Agency to Moscow this week was to deliver a warning to Russia not to attack NATO countries, according to people briefed on the visit.” wsj.com/politics/polic…
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Wie worden de echte AI-winnaars? Het cijferseizoen toont dat de AI-buildout onverminderd doorgaat De hyperscalers beginnen naast forse investeringen echter ook te verdienen Win-win zou je zeggen Maar de prijzen van de AI-modellen zelf vertellen een ander verhaal Meer info, zie⬇️
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Het hele verhaal lezen of bekijken, zie abnamro.nl/nl/privatebank…
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Goed verhaal over het nut van wel of niet de gasopslagen vullen. Het was voor mij een vraagteken, maar nu duidelijk. Dank @BM_Visser en @JillesAppelscha🙏
fd.nl/politiek/16059…
fd.nl/politiek/16059…
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Jort zegt het weer mooi. We moeten de mouwen opstropen om onze welvaart te behouden (ipv hem meer en meer te belasten zeg ik er zelf bij) fd.nl/opinie/1606663…
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Na een enorme rally op de beurs moeten semi's sinds eind juni een forse veer laten. Niet vreemd in mijn optiek. Dat de vola toeneemt, is ook niet vreemd als we in de volwassene fase van de bubbel zitten. Voor het uitgebreide verhaal, zie fd.nl/financiele-mar…
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💪🏼💪🏼💪🏼
We’re calling it: The war in Ukraine has entered a new phase.
@KatStepanenko and I have authored a new special report studying how Ukraine is actively challenging the positional character of the war that has dominated the battlefield since 2023.
Data on Russia’s battlefield hat the character of the war is shifting in favor of Ukrainian forces – at least for now. Russian forces rates of advances are stagnating while Ukrainian forces are employing novel tactics and operational concepts in efforts to break out of positional warfare. Neither Russia nor Ukraine can conduct operational maneuvers yet, however.
The bottom line is that the war in Ukraine is competitive and far from stalemated. Ukrainian forces are out-innovating Russian forces in both military technologies and in applying these new technologies in effective operational concepts that can help Ukrainian forces break out of positional warfare. Ukraine is employing mechanized equipment in tactical maneuvers in ways that were impossible 12 months ago. Russia’s ability to conduct infiltration missions will likely continue to degrade as Ukraine’s intermediate-range strike campaign pushes Russia’s logistics and forward operating bases further away from the frontlines, reducing resourcing to sustain infantry tasked with infiltration missions. Ukraine may be able to scale these effects if they resourced properly by international partners.
Ukraine’s advantage in intermediate range strikes is notably not permanent, and Russia will very likely eventually develop countermeasures to mitigate Ukraine’s advantages. Ukraine’s international partners thus have a rare and temporary opportunity to help Ukraine exploit favorable battlefield dynamics while Ukraine has the upper hand.
Key Points of the report:
• Russia’s rate of advance is plummeting during the Russian Spring-Summer 2026 offensive.
• Russia is losing more soldiers to make fewer gains, with monthly Russian casualty rates reportedly outpacing monthly recruitment since December 2025.
• Ukraine is starting to regain more ground than it is losing for the first time since 2023.
• Ukraine’ recent counterattacks feature unique characteristics and deviate from key trends that defined the positional character of the war since 2023.
• Ukraine is conducting a pattern of more frequent mechanized counterattacks at the tactical level for the first time since 2023.
• The Ukrainian command’s operational planning is maturing.
• Ukraine’s early 2026 counterattacks in the south were successful likely due to better planning and preparation of the battlefield.
• Ukraine has been conducting a coherent campaign to suppress and destroy Russian air defenses since late 2025, in order to shape the battlefield as part of more sophisticated campaign planning.
• Ukraine significantly intensified its intermediate-range strike campaign against dynamic targets in Spring 2026 in order to degrade Russian logistics at operational depths ahead of planned Ukrainian maneuver.
• Ukrainian forces started actively disrupting Russian railway logistics in occupied Ukraine and Russian western regions in Spring 2026.
• Ukrainian intermediate-range strikes are already achieving notable operational effects, including degrading Russia's ability to use the key Russian highway connecting Russia to occupied Crimea and GLOCs around Donetsk City.
• Ukrainian forces decisively seized the initiative in intermediate-range strikes by fielding new technologies such as the US-made Hornet strike UAV, among other systems.
• Ukrainian forces are achieving temporary tactical drone overmatch in some frontline sectors, which is slowing Russian offensive operations by degrading the effectiveness of Russian shaping operations.
• Ukrainian forces likely achieved tactical drone overmatch in certain frontline sectors after degrading Russia’s drone capabilities in late 2025 to early 2026 - primarily by suppressing drone launch positions and increasingly intercepting Russian tactical UAVs.
• Ukraine’s degradation of Russian forces at operational depth combined with tactical-level drone overmatch likely is creating vulnerabilities in the Russian lines.
• Ukraine’s intermediate-range strike campaign is likely far from its zenith, assuming continued support from Ukraine’s partners, and will likely intensify over 2026 as Ukraine fields new weapons capable of striking Russian’s operational rear.
Link to full report: understandingwar.org/research/russi…
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Alarm🚨 Stop de nieuwe Box 3 wet Het killt ondernemerschap en straft mensen die risico durven te nemen Dé mensen die de welvaart bepalen vd hele samenleving Als die het zat zijn en vertrekken, is het te laat @EersteKamer
Beste @EersteKamer leden, voormalige collega’s. Wat Gijs Strijker hier zegt klopt 100%. Gijs houdt zich zelfs nog in. De schade die dit onzalige Box 3 voorstel voor ons investeringsklimaat real time aanricht is gigantisch. Stop dit kansloze gedrocht!
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