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Donald Trump Is Not a Conservative. Heâs a Warning.
By a lifelong Republican who still believes in conservative principles.
Itâs time to say out loud what many on the right whisper privately, and what is going to be increasingly made public: Donald Trump is not a conservative. Not in philosophy, not in temperament, not in governing style, and certainly not in respect for the institutions that conservatives have spent generations trying to preserve.
Trumpism isnât the future of conservatismâitâs its undoing.
Conservatism Once Meant Something. Trump Burned It Down.
Real conservatism champions limited government, personal responsibility, fiscal discipline, and reverence for the constitutional structure that restrains human ambition. It values rule of law over rule of man. It elevates character and humility, not chaos and ego.
Trump embodies none of that.
Instead, he has offered a politics of resentment, centralization of power, and a cult of personality so intense that many Republicans now treat the presidency as a throne rather than a constitutional office. This isnât the legacy of Goldwater or Reagan. Itâs the legacy of leaders conservatives once warned the nation about.
A Man Who Worships Power Cannot Be a Conservative
The first principle of conservatism is that power must be restrained, because human nature is flawed. Trumpâs first principle is that power should be accumulated, because he believes he alone is virtuous.
Conservatives fought for decades to limit presidential overreach. Trump smashed those boundaries with the zeal of someone who had never read a page of The Federalist Papers but is certain he understood them better than the authors. He threatened to use the DOJ against political enemies, demanded personal loyalty from public servants, attacked judges whose rulings he disliked, and treated independent institutions as his personal subsidiaries.
That is not conservatism.
That is authoritarian instinctâplain and simple.
A Fiscal Conservative? Donât Make Me Laugh.
Trump exploded the deficit in times of economic expansionâsomething no conservative president had ever done. He signed every bloated spending bill that crossed his desk, raised tariffs (a hidden tax on consumers), and showed zero interest in entitlement reform or long-term financial stewardship.
Conservatives used to talk about debt as a moral issue. Trump treated it like Monopoly money.
Trade Protectionism Is Not Conservative Economics
For decades, conservatives fought for free markets, open competition, and lower barriers to global commerce. Trump shattered that consensus with old-school economic nationalism dressed up as populist bravado. His tariffs punished American consumers and businesses more than foreign adversaries.
Reagan said, âProtectionism is destructionism.â
Trump called tariffs âbeautiful.â
One of them was a conservative. The other was Donald Trump.
Character Still CountsâNo Matter What Excuses His Followers Make
Conservatism is a worldview rooted in virtue. Burke wrote about the necessity of ordered liberty supported by personal restraint. Buckley demanded decency and seriousness from the conservative movement. Reagan modeled optimism, humility, humor, and faith in America.
Trump modeled none of these.
He brought pettiness, cruelty, and narcissism into the center of the Republican identity. For too many, character no longer mattered as long as the leader punched the right enemies. That shift alone disqualifies Trump from being called a conservativeâbecause it erases the moral foundation of the movement.
He Has Contempt for the Constitution He Swore to Defend
Conservatives revere the Constitution because it restrains the passions of the moment. Trump sees the Constitution as an inconvenient rulebook that keeps him from doing whatever he wants.
He floated ideas like âterminatingâ parts of it after the 2020 electionâa statement that should have permanently disqualified him from conservative life. He showed open disdain for federalism, attacked state leaders who disagreed with him, and repeatedly praised strongmen abroad whose power he envied.
No one who speaks like that should ever again be called a conservative.
Trump Isnât a PhilosophyâHeâs an Erosion
At its core, conservatism is about preserving the things that keep a nation strong:
its institutions, its norms, its fiscal health, its civic virtue, and its constitutional order.
Trump undermined every one of them.
The real danger isnât just Trump himself. Itâs the precedent he sets: that a president can ignore norms, pressure institutions, centralize power, and shred the guardrails of democracyâall while claiming to be the guardian of âreal America.â
If conservatives allow that to stand, the movement wonât survive. The authoritarian left wonât destroy conservatismâTrumpism will.
Conservatives Must Choose: Trump or Conservatism
Those of us who still believe in conservative principles face a choice, and itâs not complicated:
We can defend the Constitution, or we can defend Trump.
We can stand for limited government, or we can stand for unlimited executive ego.
We can preserve the conservative movement, or we can watch it mutate into a populist personality cult.
But we cannot pretend that both visions are conservative.
One is rooted in centuries of wisdom about human nature and the fragility of self-government.
The other is rooted in the impulses of a single man.
Trump is not a conservative. He never was.
He is the loudest alarm bell the right has heard in generationsâand if conservatives ignore it, we may never again recognize the movement we once believed in.
By a lifelong Republican who still believes in conservative principles.
Itâs time to say out loud what many on the right whisper privately, and what is going to be increasingly made public: Donald Trump is not a conservative. Not in philosophy, not in temperament, not in governing style, and certainly not in respect for the institutions that conservatives have spent generations trying to preserve.
Trumpism isnât the future of conservatismâitâs its undoing.
Conservatism Once Meant Something. Trump Burned It Down.
Real conservatism champions limited government, personal responsibility, fiscal discipline, and reverence for the constitutional structure that restrains human ambition. It values rule of law over rule of man. It elevates character and humility, not chaos and ego.
Trump embodies none of that.
Instead, he has offered a politics of resentment, centralization of power, and a cult of personality so intense that many Republicans now treat the presidency as a throne rather than a constitutional office. This isnât the legacy of Goldwater or Reagan. Itâs the legacy of leaders conservatives once warned the nation about.
A Man Who Worships Power Cannot Be a Conservative
The first principle of conservatism is that power must be restrained, because human nature is flawed. Trumpâs first principle is that power should be accumulated, because he believes he alone is virtuous.
Conservatives fought for decades to limit presidential overreach. Trump smashed those boundaries with the zeal of someone who had never read a page of The Federalist Papers but is certain he understood them better than the authors. He threatened to use the DOJ against political enemies, demanded personal loyalty from public servants, attacked judges whose rulings he disliked, and treated independent institutions as his personal subsidiaries.
That is not conservatism.
That is authoritarian instinctâplain and simple.
A Fiscal Conservative? Donât Make Me Laugh.
Trump exploded the deficit in times of economic expansionâsomething no conservative president had ever done. He signed every bloated spending bill that crossed his desk, raised tariffs (a hidden tax on consumers), and showed zero interest in entitlement reform or long-term financial stewardship.
Conservatives used to talk about debt as a moral issue. Trump treated it like Monopoly money.
Trade Protectionism Is Not Conservative Economics
For decades, conservatives fought for free markets, open competition, and lower barriers to global commerce. Trump shattered that consensus with old-school economic nationalism dressed up as populist bravado. His tariffs punished American consumers and businesses more than foreign adversaries.
Reagan said, âProtectionism is destructionism.â
Trump called tariffs âbeautiful.â
One of them was a conservative. The other was Donald Trump.
Character Still CountsâNo Matter What Excuses His Followers Make
Conservatism is a worldview rooted in virtue. Burke wrote about the necessity of ordered liberty supported by personal restraint. Buckley demanded decency and seriousness from the conservative movement. Reagan modeled optimism, humility, humor, and faith in America.
Trump modeled none of these.
He brought pettiness, cruelty, and narcissism into the center of the Republican identity. For too many, character no longer mattered as long as the leader punched the right enemies. That shift alone disqualifies Trump from being called a conservativeâbecause it erases the moral foundation of the movement.
He Has Contempt for the Constitution He Swore to Defend
Conservatives revere the Constitution because it restrains the passions of the moment. Trump sees the Constitution as an inconvenient rulebook that keeps him from doing whatever he wants.
He floated ideas like âterminatingâ parts of it after the 2020 electionâa statement that should have permanently disqualified him from conservative life. He showed open disdain for federalism, attacked state leaders who disagreed with him, and repeatedly praised strongmen abroad whose power he envied.
No one who speaks like that should ever again be called a conservative.
Trump Isnât a PhilosophyâHeâs an Erosion
At its core, conservatism is about preserving the things that keep a nation strong:
its institutions, its norms, its fiscal health, its civic virtue, and its constitutional order.
Trump undermined every one of them.
The real danger isnât just Trump himself. Itâs the precedent he sets: that a president can ignore norms, pressure institutions, centralize power, and shred the guardrails of democracyâall while claiming to be the guardian of âreal America.â
If conservatives allow that to stand, the movement wonât survive. The authoritarian left wonât destroy conservatismâTrumpism will.
Conservatives Must Choose: Trump or Conservatism
Those of us who still believe in conservative principles face a choice, and itâs not complicated:
We can defend the Constitution, or we can defend Trump.
We can stand for limited government, or we can stand for unlimited executive ego.
We can preserve the conservative movement, or we can watch it mutate into a populist personality cult.
But we cannot pretend that both visions are conservative.
One is rooted in centuries of wisdom about human nature and the fragility of self-government.
The other is rooted in the impulses of a single man.
Trump is not a conservative. He never was.
He is the loudest alarm bell the right has heard in generationsâand if conservatives ignore it, we may never again recognize the movement we once believed in.
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Anthony Scaramucci, who briefly served as Trumpâs communications director during his first term, said the president was âeven more delusional than I thoughtâ in response to Millerâs appointment. âOr maybe he actually wants to finish destroying the GOP?â
Correct.
Correct.
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âStephen Miller is a dangerous xenophobe and reckless extremist who has American blood on his hands,â said New York Democrat Hakeem Jeffries, who is expected to become Speaker of the House in January. âHis presence in government should be eradicated like a malignant tumour.â
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Josh R retweeted
Congress should pass military aid for Ukraine and tough sanctions against Russia. Why? Because it is strategically and morally right. If the President vetoes, then it is on him in the history books. Congress needs to stand on the right side of history.
US midterm impact on Ukraine policy
Democrat wins in Congress still face major challenges in changing assistance to Ukraine in the face of Presidential opposition
Oversight in support of Ukraine is all the more important, and several friends of đşđŚ are retiring or losing âŹď¸
I write this to note the need for other members of Congress to step up, keep current initiatives moving and maintain close oversight of the administrationâs Ukraine policies
Briefly:
Jeanne Shaheen â Senate, D, retiring
Brian Fitzpatrick â House, R, trailing Michael McCaul â House, R, retiring
Thom Tillis â Senate, R, retiring
Susan Collins â Senate, R, race uncalled
Don Bacon â House, R, retiring
Details of support for Ukraine:
Jeanne Shaheen â ranking Democrat on Senate Foreign Relations
Starlink: co-signed the four-senator letter demanding answers from SpaceX.
Graham Act: co-introduced the Senate version. On October 6 she and Roger Wicker wrote to Rubio and Bessent with an enforcement agenda, and she signed the October 13 letter urging implementation.
Russian diesel: led bipartisan letters warning banks, port authorities and fuel distributors not to facilitate Russian diesel imports under General License 135.
Other bills: Supporting Ukraine Act of 2025 (S.2592); BLOCK PUTIN Act.
Brian Fitzpatrick â co-chair, Congressional Ukraine Caucus
Starlink: called for an investigation, and warned of oversight hearings and budget cuts over Starshield limits.
Graham Act: introduced the original House Sanctioning Russia Act (H.R. 2548) with 151 cosponsors, and signed the 22-member House letter urging enforcement.
Russian diesel: sponsors the Ronald Reagan Peace Through Strength Act, which would nullify the diesel waiver.
Other bills: Justice for Ukrainian Children Act (H.R. 10473); Countering Russia's War on Faith Act.
Michael McCaul â former chair, House Foreign Affairs
Graham Act: introduced and championed the House version, then joined the October 15 letter urging "full and faithful" implementation. He urged Trump to reverse the waiver.
Russian diesel: the October 15 letter specifically flagged General License 135.
Thom Tillis â co-chair, Senate NATO Observer Group
Starlink: co-requested an inspector general investigation into the slowdown.
Graham Act: co-led the letter urging Trump to execute the Graham Act's authorities.
Russian diesel: lead Republican signatory on the letter demanding rescission of General License 135.
Other bills: BLOCK PUTIN Act; Fast Tracking European Investment in Ukraine's Defense Act (S.5175).
Susan Collins â chair, Senate Appropriations
Starlink: co-requested the IG investigation.
Graham Act: cosponsor.
Russian diesel: signed the letter urging cancellation of the deal.
Don Bacon
Graham Act: signed the House enforcement letter.
Russian diesel: co-introduced the Ronald Reagan Peace Through Strength Act.
Other bills: Justice for Ukrainian Children Act.
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Josh R retweeted
Americans donât like chaos, narcissism, tariffs, corruption, Putin, rudeness to our allies, arrogance & indecency. The GOP should embrace our roots: free markets, economic freedom, peace through strength, federalism, law and order, low taxes, pro-life⌠and we should act like leaders of the free world.
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Josh R retweeted
If America is over when your team loses an election, youâre not really a patriot, youâre an idol worshipper.
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Josh R retweeted
Trump's 10 year grip on the Republican Party is over. What happened last night was not an embrace of Democratic policies, but rather a mass firing of the feckless, spineless, unprincipled Republicans who abandoned those things that the Party has long stood for and who enabled Trump to carry out reckless, erratic policies that have so badly damaged us as a country. #PrinciplesFirst
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Josh R retweeted
MAGA wipeout in the midterm elections.
OrbĂĄn defeated in Hungary. Salviniâs Lega falling below 5% in Italy.
Wilders losing ground in the Netherlands.
Vucic defeated in Serbia.
And what is their legacy? Shallow populism, appeasement of dictators, and endless culture wars.
OrbĂĄn defeated in Hungary. Salviniâs Lega falling below 5% in Italy.
Wilders losing ground in the Netherlands.
Vucic defeated in Serbia.
And what is their legacy? Shallow populism, appeasement of dictators, and endless culture wars.
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Josh R retweeted
Trump has spent a decade purging conservatismâconstitutional, economic, and even social (in the deepest sense of humility and respect for others)âfrom the Republican Party.
We should take solace in this absolute defeat because itâs a real chance to rebuild American conservatism.
We should take solace in this absolute defeat because itâs a real chance to rebuild American conservatism.
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Trumpâs whole theory of power is in Ruins.
politico.com/news/magazine/âŚ
politico.com/news/magazine/âŚ
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Josh R retweeted
To my fellow Never Trump Republicans, this is our moment of vindication. Rather than spend our time and energy dancing on the grave of Trumpism, let us work together towards rebuilding a once great political party that stands for limited government, separation of powers, and that extends a welcoming hand to those who yearn to live the American Dream. #PrinciplesFirst
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The Trump Reckoning Arrives - The Wall Street Journal
wsj.com/opinion/2026-mâŚ
wsj.com/opinion/2026-mâŚ
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Josh R retweeted
Yes, the blue wave is a historic victory to celebrate.
No, it changes nothing for Europe. As has been crystal clear since 2016 and raging-dumpster-fire-clear since 2024, we canât count on the US to defend us.
Defeating Russia is our job. With or without US support. Git âer done.
No, it changes nothing for Europe. As has been crystal clear since 2016 and raging-dumpster-fire-clear since 2024, we canât count on the US to defend us.
Defeating Russia is our job. With or without US support. Git âer done.
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Dear Trump brothers: Democrats are preparing extensive congressional investigations into both of you, particularly your corrupt business dealings, cryptocurrency scams, and criminal conflicts of interest involving federal government decisions and contracts.
LAWYER UP BOYS!
LAWYER UP BOYS!
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Josh R retweeted
Chris Christie UNLOADS on Vivek Ramswamy losing the Ohio governorâs race...
âYou not only have to question the judgement of a man who would take a woman â an elderly woman, out of the car she was living in out of the parking lot in a church in Pennsylvania with her cats and put camera, and make that a TV add in the gubernatorial race. We know what Vivek Ramswamy is, and voters have judged him as such. But here is the real problem going forward. J.D. Vance stood 100 percent with Vivek Ramaswamy. Not only as a person and a candidate, but he stood behind that advertisement. And Vivek Ramaswamy will be forgotten. He is going to be sent to the dustbin of history. But J.D. Vance is going to be remembered, I think, for this campaign, for more than anything else, David, that he stood by that ad, a man who wrote a book on Catholicism, stood behind that ad. Itâs a disgrace.â
âYou not only have to question the judgement of a man who would take a woman â an elderly woman, out of the car she was living in out of the parking lot in a church in Pennsylvania with her cats and put camera, and make that a TV add in the gubernatorial race. We know what Vivek Ramswamy is, and voters have judged him as such. But here is the real problem going forward. J.D. Vance stood 100 percent with Vivek Ramaswamy. Not only as a person and a candidate, but he stood behind that advertisement. And Vivek Ramaswamy will be forgotten. He is going to be sent to the dustbin of history. But J.D. Vance is going to be remembered, I think, for this campaign, for more than anything else, David, that he stood by that ad, a man who wrote a book on Catholicism, stood behind that ad. Itâs a disgrace.â
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Josh R retweeted
Good luck to JD Vance in 2028. Americans rejected everything he stands for in the midterms. He is done
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Josh R retweeted
Victoria Spartz, the first Ukrainian-born member of the U.S. Congress, lost her reelection bid today.
Born in Ukraineâs Chernihiv region, which continues to face relentless russian attacks, Spartz became a MAGA Republican and voted against a major aid package for Ukraine in ial kind of person to betray two countries at once.
Born in Ukraineâs Chernihiv region, which continues to face relentless russian attacks, Spartz became a MAGA Republican and voted against a major aid package for Ukraine in ial kind of person to betray two countries at once.
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