Only 3 days from now.
The Doctors Against Genocide 3rd Annual Conference brings healthcare workers, researchers, advocates and community members together at Georgetown University in Washington, DC. The theme: Genocide Prevention, Intervention & Response: A Core Medical Obli://t.co/zsgG1gWR92
The Doctors Against Genocide 3rd Annual Conference brings healthcare workers, researchers, advocates and community members together at Georgetown University in Washington, DC. The theme: Genocide Prevention, Intervention & Response: A Core Medical Obli://t.co/zsgG1gWR92
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Alongside three days of testimony, learning and planning, we are hosting “Palestine, through our own eyes,” a group art exhibition by Ahmed Elkhalidi and several Palestinian artists from Gaza, the West Bank, Jordan, France and Australia. Collages, posters, paintings, and figures photographed in the rubble of Gaza. Each artist sees home from where they stand.
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You do not need to be a physician to belong in this room. Come listen, take part, and stand in front of the art in person.
November 13–15, 2026 Georgetown University, Washington, DC In person or online
Register: bit.ly/DAGConference
Music: “We Will Rebuild Gaza” by Ahmed Muin AbuAmsha
#DoctorsAgainstGenocide #DAGConference #PalestinianArt #Gaza #ArtAsResistance #GeorgetownUniversity #WashingtonDC
November 13–15, 2026 Georgetown University, Washington, DC In person or online
Register: bit.ly/DAGConference
Music: “We Will Rebuild Gaza” by Ahmed Muin AbuAmsha
#DoctorsAgainstGenocide #DAGConference #PalestinianArt #Gaza #ArtAsResistance #GeorgetownUniversity #WashingtonDC
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Defending the Right to Health in Palestine: A Conversation with Dr. Mazen Rantisi x.com/i/broadcasts/2…
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Doctors Against Genocide retweeted
I don’t know. It feels obscenely stupid to start posting videos of my loved ones in Gaza right now, as their tents flood with rainwater in the middle of the night, as they sleep in damp clothes on soaked mattresses, and to think for a f*cking second that these images might move someone to save their babies, to protect what little dignity they have left.
As if this time could be any different from last year, or the year before that, or the year before that.
As if people around the world, especially those with the power to do something, might suddenly be moved by a family’s tent flooding with rainwater when the sight of hundreds of babies whose bodies were shredded by Israeli bombs was not enough to put an end to this.
How many more times must we expose the suffering of the people we love, strip them of their privacy in their most vulnerable moments, in the desperate hope that someone, somewhere, might finally care enough to act?
As if this time could be any different from last year, or the year before that, or the year before that.
As if people around the world, especially those with the power to do something, might suddenly be moved by a family’s tent flooding with rainwater when the sight of hundreds of babies whose bodies were shredded by Israeli bombs was not enough to put an end to this.
How many more times must we expose the suffering of the people we love, strip them of their privacy in their most vulnerable moments, in the desperate hope that someone, somewhere, might finally care enough to act?
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The 2027 DAG Calendar is here: Palestinian art, poetry, and a town or village each month.
Memory. Witness. Resistance.
Proceeds support DAG’s mission and projects on the ground.
Order: bit.ly/DAGcalendar
Memory. Witness. Resistance.
Proceeds support DAG’s mission and projects on the ground.
Order: bit.ly/DAGcalendar
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Doctors Against Genocide retweeted
Today marks the 70th anniversary of the Kafr Qasim Massacre by Israel.
It was Monday, 29 October 1956. The Israeli government and military decided to impose a curfew on Arab villages near the border with Jordan. At 4:30 p.m., a border police sergeant informed the mayor of Kafr Qasim that the curfew would begin at 5 p.m. that evening. Hundreds of villagers who had left home that morning to go to work had no way of knowing the curfew had been moved up.
The soldiers tasked with enforcing the curfew were ordered to “shoot to kill any person seen outside their home after 17:00, making no distinction between men, women, children, or those returning from outside the village.”
When villagers began returning home after 5 p.m., border police stopped them on the western side of the village. Soldiers forced people out of trucks, cars, and off bicycles, then began shooting at close range.
Shmuel Malinki, who commanded the Border Guard unit in Kafr Qasim, asked what to do about villagers who had been working in the fields and had not yet heard about the new curfew. The response from Shadmi, commander of the Israeli Defense Forces’ Central District, was:
“Allah yerahamu.” (Arabic: الله يرحمهم)
(God have mercy on them.)
In just one hour, 48 people were murdered.
23 of them children.
News of the massacre was initially blocked by the Israeli military censor. However, communist Knesset members Tawfik Toubi and Meir Vilner managed to enter the village two weeks later to investigate the rumors, and after two months of lobbying by them and the press, the government lifted the media blackout imposed by Prime Minister David Ben-Gurion.
Consequences?
Shadmi, the colonel who gave the order to shoot men, women, and children, was found guilty only of exceeding his authority and fined 1 pruta (about US $0.03 in 2023). By 1960, all the perpetrators had either been released or pardoned.
Two of those convicted were later promoted:
Shmuel Malinki was put in charge of the Negev Nuclear Research Center.
Gabriel Dahan, the Israeli Border Police First Lieutenant who executed the killings, was assigned to oversee “Arab Affairs” in the city of Ramla. Dahan later changed his name to Dagan and worked as an Israel Bonds representative in Paris.
One soldier, Shalom Ofer, later admitted:
“We acted like Germans, automatically," but never expressed remorse or regret for his actions
The Trial?
Shadmi, the highest-ranking official prosecuted for the massacre, stated shortly before his death that he believed his trial had been staged to protect members of the Israeli political and military elite, including Prime Minister David Ben-Gurion, from responsibility. The aim was to portray the perpetrators as rogue soldiers rather than individuals acting under higher orders.
It was Monday, 29 October 1956. The Israeli government and military decided to impose a curfew on Arab villages near the border with Jordan. At 4:30 p.m., a border police sergeant informed the mayor of Kafr Qasim that the curfew would begin at 5 p.m. that evening. Hundreds of villagers who had left home that morning to go to work had no way of knowing the curfew had been moved up.
The soldiers tasked with enforcing the curfew were ordered to “shoot to kill any person seen outside their home after 17:00, making no distinction between men, women, children, or those returning from outside the village.”
When villagers began returning home after 5 p.m., border police stopped them on the western side of the village. Soldiers forced people out of trucks, cars, and off bicycles, then began shooting at close range.
Shmuel Malinki, who commanded the Border Guard unit in Kafr Qasim, asked what to do about villagers who had been working in the fields and had not yet heard about the new curfew. The response from Shadmi, commander of the Israeli Defense Forces’ Central District, was:
“Allah yerahamu.” (Arabic: الله يرحمهم)
(God have mercy on them.)
In just one hour, 48 people were murdered.
23 of them children.
News of the massacre was initially blocked by the Israeli military censor. However, communist Knesset members Tawfik Toubi and Meir Vilner managed to enter the village two weeks later to investigate the rumors, and after two months of lobbying by them and the press, the government lifted the media blackout imposed by Prime Minister David Ben-Gurion.
Consequences?
Shadmi, the colonel who gave the order to shoot men, women, and children, was found guilty only of exceeding his authority and fined 1 pruta (about US $0.03 in 2023). By 1960, all the perpetrators had either been released or pardoned.
Two of those convicted were later promoted:
Shmuel Malinki was put in charge of the Negev Nuclear Research Center.
Gabriel Dahan, the Israeli Border Police First Lieutenant who executed the killings, was assigned to oversee “Arab Affairs” in the city of Ramla. Dahan later changed his name to Dagan and worked as an Israel Bonds representative in Paris.
One soldier, Shalom Ofer, later admitted:
“We acted like Germans, automatically," but never expressed remorse or regret for his actions
The Trial?
Shadmi, the highest-ranking official prosecuted for the massacre, stated shortly before his death that he believed his trial had been staged to protect members of the Israeli political and military elite, including Prime Minister David Ben-Gurion, from responsibility. The aim was to portray the perpetrators as rogue soldiers rather than individuals acting under higher orders.
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Gaza’s Healthcare Under Attack: Breast Cancer Care, Survival and the Coming Winter x.com/i/broadcasts/1…
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Restoring Pathology Services in Gaza x.com/i/broadcasts/1…
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Breast Cancer Under Siege: Women’s Access to Cancer Care in Gaza x.com/i/broadcasts/1…
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Doctors Against Genocide retweeted
In her July 30 article for the Carnegie Endowment, “The Board of Peace Plan for Gaza,” Hassan details the Board’s proposals to seize Palestinian land and property for Gaza’s redevelopment:
➤ Private property: The leaked GREAT Trust proposal recommends confiscating all public land and potentially all privately owned Palestinian property.
➤ Homes: Palestinians would be expected to surrender their property rights in exchange for replacement housing in Gaza, which could take two to eight years, or accept a resettlement package abroad.
➤ Land seizures: Other redevelopment proposals call for expropriating privately owned Palestinian land and forcibly relocating its owners.
➤ Public Land: A leaked draft resolution would allow the Board to acquire public land and property in Gaza free of charge.
carnegieendowment.org/research/2026/…
➤ Private property: The leaked GREAT Trust proposal recommends confiscating all public land and potentially all privately owned Palestinian property.
➤ Homes: Palestinians would be expected to surrender their property rights in exchange for replacement housing in Gaza, which could take two to eight years, or accept a resettlement package abroad.
➤ Land seizures: Other redevelopment proposals call for expropriating privately owned Palestinian land and forcibly relocating its owners.
➤ Public Land: A leaked draft resolution would allow the Board to acquire public land and property in Gaza free of charge.
carnegieendowment.org/research/2026/…
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aramedics on the Front Line in the West Bank & Psychiatric Care in Gaza x.com/i/broadcasts/1…
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