barjanski retweeted
Puštali su Dijani Hrki na repeat „Pošla majka sina da potraži“. Šta nemoj?
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barjanski retweeted
The most immoral army continues to slaughter children. Nearly daily.
UN bodies and human rights groups have documented the pattern in detail. Anyone who denies it should read these reports.
We keep receipts and there will be accountability.
#PalestineTrials
UN bodies and human rights groups have documented the pattern in detail. Anyone who denies it should read these reports.
We keep receipts and there will be accountability.
#PalestineTrials
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barjanski retweeted
@Gojko26cm Možda je danas, posle šest godina i pet meseci, ponovo vreme za to.. probaću opet kad padne mrak;)
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RT @AstaVrecko: Dan po volitvah se je dnevnik Radiotelevizije Vojvodine začel z opavičilom.
Podobno smo videli na Madžarskem po padcu režim…
Podobno smo videli na Madžarskem po padcu režim…
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barjanski retweeted
Janša je bil več kot dve leti premier, medtem ko je Srbijo vodil njegov politični zaveznik iz EPP Vučić. Če so bili arhivi Udbe tako pomembni, zakaj tega ni rešil z njim?
Vučića ni več, zdaj pa bi zaradi istega vprašanja blokiral reformno EU pot Srbije.
Zanimiv timing.
Vučića ni več, zdaj pa bi zaradi istega vprašanja blokiral reformno EU pot Srbije.
Zanimiv timing.
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barjanski retweeted
Gde je Nina Šobota da mi piše kako je uzela kamen s groba mog oca, nema je nešto?
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barjanski retweeted
Ko bomo iz Beograda dobili arhive Udbe, bomo končno znali iz čipov sestaviti delujoče vgrajene sisteme in edge računalnike z visoko dodano vrednostjo. 🚀
Razvojna vizija per excellence. Čipe že imamo, manjka nam samo še arhiv Udbe.
Razvojna vizija per excellence. Čipe že imamo, manjka nam samo še arhiv Udbe.
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barjanski retweeted
Polako, smireno, al ubode sustinu. Da skratim, muda ko televizor 👌
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barjanski retweeted
Julius Štrajher koji je za vreme nacističke Nemačke putem svog lista Der Sturmer huškao narod protiv Jevreja branio se da je samo radio svoj novinarski posao.
Osuđen je na smrt u Nirnbergu.
Osuđen je na smrt u Nirnbergu.
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barjanski retweeted
Dejan Šoškić, the former head of Serbia's central bank, is one of the more serious candidates to be the country's new PM. He has suggested lustration, in particular of Vucic's expansive party-oligarchs, will be a priority for the/his new government.
That term, lustration, is central to what did not happen in Serbia the last time the country swept away a strong man leader, Slobodan Milosevic.
The security archives were never opened, the regime's apparatchik class never ejected, and the intelligence, military, and police apparatus never reformed. The result was the return of the Milosevic B-team, with Vucic at its fore, barely 11 years later.
The new government in Belgrade, if it is serious about making a historic break with Vucic, and with Milosevic for the matter, must pursue a serious lustration policy.
Declassify the security archives; allow us to finally learn the whole truth of the Serbian state's direct involvement in the wars of the 90s; to learn whom the regime(s) of Milosevic and Vucic surveilled, harassed, and assassinated; and let us finally learn the true extent the network of political and media collaborators in Serbia itself, the region, and Europe more broadly. Including the names of a few of those prominent personalities, including on this platform, who welcomed the change of government through gritted teeth.
The past forty years have shown, time and again, that Serbian nationalism, as an ideological project, has two pillars: authoritarianism at home, and expansionism abroad. Last night, the Serbian public rejected the former. No one truly expects them to reject the latter overnight. But the new government can begin that process by revealing the true costs of the latter, first and foremost for the Serbian people themselves, and begin charting a slow, uneven course into a different future for the entire region.
That term, lustration, is central to what did not happen in Serbia the last time the country swept away a strong man leader, Slobodan Milosevic.
The security archives were never opened, the regime's apparatchik class never ejected, and the intelligence, military, and police apparatus never reformed. The result was the return of the Milosevic B-team, with Vucic at its fore, barely 11 years later.
The new government in Belgrade, if it is serious about making a historic break with Vucic, and with Milosevic for the matter, must pursue a serious lustration policy.
Declassify the security archives; allow us to finally learn the whole truth of the Serbian state's direct involvement in the wars of the 90s; to learn whom the regime(s) of Milosevic and Vucic surveilled, harassed, and assassinated; and let us finally learn the true extent the network of political and media collaborators in Serbia itself, the region, and Europe more broadly. Including the names of a few of those prominent personalities, including on this platform, who welcomed the change of government through gritted teeth.
The past forty years have shown, time and again, that Serbian nationalism, as an ideological project, has two pillars: authoritarianism at home, and expansionism abroad. Last night, the Serbian public rejected the former. No one truly expects them to reject the latter overnight. But the new government can begin that process by revealing the true costs of the latter, first and foremost for the Serbian people themselves, and begin charting a slow, uneven course into a different future for the entire region.
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