Guy Spier 🇮🇱 🇺🇦 🇨🇭🇬🇧🇮🇷🇦🇪 retweeted
🎶 “I Think I Just Freed Palestine” 🎶
A heartfelt musical tribute to performative activism, where the slogans are loud, the Jew-hate is palpable, knowledge is optional, and the results are nonexistent.
Please support my original work by sharing directly from my post.
A heartfelt musical tribute to performative activism, where the slogans are loud, the Jew-hate is palpable, knowledge is optional, and the results are nonexistent.
Please support my original work by sharing directly from my post.
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She writes so well
I'm seeing quite a bit of comment about this, so I want to make a couple of points.
I'm not owed eternal agreement from any actor who once played a character I created. The idea is as ludicrous as me checking with the boss I had when I was twenty-one for what opinions I should hold these days.
Emma Watson and her co-stars have every right to embrace gender identity ideology. Such beliefs are legally protected, and I wouldn't want to see any of them threatened with loss of work, or violence, or death, because of them.
However, Emma and Dan in particular have both made it clear over the last few years that they think our former professional association gives them a particular right - nay, obligation - to critique me and my views in public. Years after they finished acting in Potter, they continue to assume the role of de facto spokespeople for the world I created.
When you've known people since they were ten years old it's hard to shake a certain protectiveness. Until quite recently, I hadn't managed to throw off the memory of children who needed to be gently coaxed through their dialogue in a big scary film studio. For the past few years, I've repeatedly declined invitations from journalists to comment on Emma specifically, most notably on the Witch Trials of JK Rowling. Ironically, I told the producers that I didn't want her to be hounded as the result of anything I said.
The television presenter in the attached clip highlights Emma's 'all witches' speech, and in truth, that was a turning point for me, but it had a postscript that hurt far more than the speech itself. Emma asked someone to pass on a handwritten note from her to me, which contained the single sentence 'I'm so sorry for what you're going through' (she has my phone number). This was back when the death, rape and torture threats against me were at their peak, at a time when my personal security measures had had to be tightened considerably and I was constantly worried for my family's safety. Emma had just publicly poured more petrol on the flames, yet thought a one line expression of concern from her would reassure me of her fundamental sympathy and kindness.
Like other people who've never experienced adult life uncushioned by wealth and fame, Emma has so little experience of real life she's ignorant of how ignorant she is. She'll never need a homeless shelter. She's never going to be placed on a mixed sex public hospital ward. I'd be astounded if she's been in a high street changing room since childhood. Her 'public bathroom' is single occupancy and comes with a security man standing guard outside the door. Has she had to strip off in a newly mixed-sex changing room at a council-run swimming pool? Is she ever likely to need a state-run rape crisis centre that refuses to guarantee an all-female service? To find herself sharing a prison cell with a male rapist who's identified into the women's prison?
I wasn't a multimillionaire at fourteen. I lived in poverty while writing the book that made Emma famous. I therefore understand from my own life experience what the trashing of women's rights in which Emma has so enthusiastically participated means to women and girls without her privileges.
The greatest irony here is that, had Emma not decided in her most recent interview to declare that she loves and treasures me - a change of tack I suspect she's adopted because she's noticed full-throated condemnation of me is no longer quite as fashionable as it was - I might never have been this honest.
Adults can't expect to cosy up to an activist movement that regularly calls for a friend's assassination, then assert their right to the former friend's love, as though the friend was in fact their mother. Emma is rightly free to disagree with me and indeed to discuss her feelings about me in public - but I have the same right, and I've finally decided to exercise it.
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He decides what Britain is allowed to be angry about. He books the fights, stages the exits, designs the clips, and banks the rage. The ring is his. The fighters bleed. And for thirty years, the country has been watching the wrong man.
His name is not even Piers Morgan. It is e buried the O'Meara before he was twenty-five, traded a hyphenated stepfather's name for something cleaner on a masthead, and built an identity so complete that the original barely registers. That was the first trick. The man who demands authenticity from every guest who sits across from him began by erasing himself.
Rupert Murdoch made him editor of the News of the World at twenty-nine. Twenty-nine years old in 1994, handed a national newsroom, not because he had earned it but because Murdoch decided he was useful. The outsider died the day that phone call came. Everything since has been the performance of one.
What he did with that chair is the record. And the record is this.
Three weeks into his editorship, his paper identified the person making silent phone calls to Diana's confidant Oliver Hoare as the Princess of Wales. The source was a corrupt Metropolitan Police officer. Morgan was twenty-nine. He ran it. Diana's private distress became a front page, and his career launched on her humiliation. When Harry brought his case against News Group Newspapers thirty years later, Mr Justice Fancourt's 386-page judgment found that unlawful activity had been deliberately concealed across the group's titles. GBP140,600 in damages awarded to the Duke of Sussex in December 2023. News Group Newspapers settled in January 2025 with a full apology, admitting unlawful activity from 1996 to 2011. Morgan was at the heart of those years. He has never fully explained how he missed all of it.
In March 2001, Paul McCartney and Heather Mills were still together. Morgan obtained a voicemail from Mills's phone. Not just obtained it. Played it. In his Daily Mirror newsroom. To staff. In December 2011, sitting at the Leveson Inquiry under oath, he told the panel he had never listened to an illegally obtained voicemail. The record of what he did in 2001 was sitting in a filing cabinet somewhere while he said it. He knew that. The inquiry moved on.
In January 2000, Morgan's City Slickers column tipped Viglen shares. The day before the tip appeared in print, someone purchased GBP67,000 of Viglen stock. His colleagues James Hipwell and Anil Bhoyrul were convicted. Morgan was not. The financial regulator investigated. The CPS reviewed the file. He walked. He has never provided an explanation that satisfies anyone who has read the dates in sequence.
In 2004, he published photographs purporting to show British soldiers abusing Iraqi prisoners. The photographs were fabricated. He was sacked. He maintained they were genuine until the day it became impossible to do so. He did not resign. He was removed.
In February 2014, CNN cancelled Piers Morgan Live. His ratings had fallen so badly that local affiliates were requesting to be released from the simulcast. He blamed America's relationship with guns. America blamed Morgan.
Three editorships. Three exits. Not one of them on his own terms. Not one of them clean.
After CNN he returned to Britain and reinvented the business model. He would not report. He would promote. Two people who loathe each other, a studio, a loaded question, and sit back while the clip spreads. The ring is always his. The fighters are always someone else's problem the morning after.
He made Tommy Robinson, a convicted thug and fraudster with a documented criminal record, a fixture on that sofa. He booked Cenk Uygur and watched Cenk combust live on air, then treated the clip as content for a week. When Cenk and Hasan Piker were then banned from entering the UK in June 2026, Morgan publicly attacked the ban. Read that again. The man who spent five years helping to dismantle Meghan Markle for choosing not to live in this country suddenly discovered a principle about the right of American commentators to enter it.
He booked Mehdi Hasan, Bassem Youssef, Glenn Greenwald, and Roger Waters and called it debate. He ran Middle East panels with three voices on one side and one on the other, week after week, and never once explained the arithmetic to his audience. It is not balance. It is booking. A booker curates who gets to speak. A journalist is accountable for what goes unchallenged. Morgan is a booker who calls himself a journalist, which means he gets the credit for every confrontation and none of the accountability for the platform he built around it.
In 2022, he released a promotional trailer for his new show featuring Donald Trump. In the trailer, Trump appeared to walk out. He did not walk out. The footage was deceptively edited. A court found the edit unlawful. The clip had already been viewed millions of times. Morgan moved on.
This is the machine. Manufactured confrontation, engineered virality, tactical outrage, and a clean exit every time accountability arrives at the door.
Now watch who he chose most carefully, because this is where the machine becomes something else entirely.
In June 2016, Piers Morgan met Meghan Markle for dirty martinis at the Scarsdale Tavern in Kensington. She was an actress, not yet a public figure, about to go on a first date with a man she had met online, who turned out to be a prince. Morgan has said the evening went well. What is documented is that she stopped returning his messages within weeks. What followed was a five-year public campaign, dressed as journalism, presented as public interest, that climaxed with Morgan walking off Good Morning Britain in March 2021 after fifty thousand Ofcom complaints in a single morning. He did not leave because he was wrong. He left because the audience had worked out that the woman under investigation was being investigated by the man she had once not texted back.
He named Charles and Kate as the royal racists in November 2023. Not because he had evidence. Because naming them was the biggest available move that week. And the biggest available move is always the Morgan move.
Now read what he did with Israel and Iran, because this is the part that should alarm everyone.
In 2023, Morgan was the confrontational voice. He pushed back on pro-Palestinian guests. He cited the forty beheaded babies claim before the facts were fully established and pushed it hard. He was the man who asked the difficult question. Or he presented himself that way.
By July 2026, John Mearsheimer was sitting across from him and explaining that America cannot win and that Iran has prevailed. Morgan listened. The Qatar Prime Minister, Sheikh Mohammed bin Abdulrahman Al-Thani, appeared on the show and called Benjamin Netanyahu a war criminal. Morgan did not press him with anything close to the energy he directed at guests in 2023. He called Trump's threats against Iran madness. He used the phrase brazen pre-admission of genocide about American foreign policy. In three years, Morgan had moved from Israel's interrogator to Iran's most comfortable English-language platform. He did not explain the move. He never explains the moves. He just makes them, and waits for the audience to follow.
The man at the centre of this pivot is Professor Mohammad Marandi. Seyed Mohammad Marandi, born in Richmond, Virginia in 1966. His father Alireza Marandi served as Ayatollah Khamenei's personal physician and completed two terms as Iran's Health Minister. Marandi volunteered in the Iran-Iraq war. He served in the IRGC. In 2019, he was photographed in IRGC uniform and posted the photograph himself, publicly, without apology. He is a University of Tehran professor, a named adviser to Iran's nuclear negotiating team under both Rouhani and Raisi, and Iran International has described him as Iran's chief propagandist in English. During the 2019 tanker standoff, he disclosed details of an IRGC seizure before Iranian official channels had confirmed it.
Morgan has called Marandi a government stooge. A propagandist. On air. To his face. And then booked him again. And again after that. Morgan presents the confrontation as rigorous journalism. Here is what it actually achieves: Marandi goes home with a larger international platform, martyr optics for the Iranian domestic audience, and documentary evidence that even hostile Western broadcasters cannot dismiss him. Morgan does not expose Marandi. Morgan launders him. Every booking is the service. Every clip of Morgan being tough is the product Marandi takes home to Tehran.
Now look at who owns the building.
Wake Up Productions Limited, Companies House number 13490132, declared GBP17.1 million in turnover in 2024. Cumulative revenue since launch exceeds GBP50 million. One employee on the books. Morgan holds 94 percent of the equity.
On 9 July 2026, four new directors arrived simultaneously on the Companies House filing. Joseph Ravitch, co-founder of the Raine Group, built by two former Goldman Sachs co-heads of media banking, whose client list includes the Chelsea Football Club takeover, Manchester United, Endeavor, the UFC, and WWE. Gordon Rubenstein. Marc-Andre Zagar, representing Antenna Group, the Kyriakou family media empire, a four-generation Greek shipping dynasty with a World Economic Forum seat and deep Gulf-region connections. And Rashida Jones, former president of MSNBC, CEO of a venture called Uncensored from March 2026.
Also in that boardroom: Elisabeth Murdoch. Rupert Murdoch's daughter. The patriarch who installed Morgan as a national editor at twenty-nine has a daughter on the board of the company Morgan built after Murdoch's own titles were found to have engaged in unlawful activity on Morgan's watch. The family retained a News UK revenue share arrangement in the deal. The Reuben Brothers, David and Simon, Britain's second-richest family in the Sunday Times 2026 list at a combined GBP27.9 billion, with stakes in Newcastle United and Arena Racing Company, are shareholders. Karl Brophy, Morgan's former Mirror colleague, sold his consultancy Red Flag Consulting to Ankura in February 2025 for EUR45 million, taking EUR33 million personally, and holds a seven-figure stake in Wake Up. The company raised USD27 million at a USD145 million valuation.
Goldman alumni. A Murdoch. A Greek shipping dynasty with Gulf connections. Britain's second-richest family. A former MSNBC president. A Mirror veteran worth EUR33 million.
This is what Morgan calls independent journalism.
He is not the man at the edge of power, shouting in. He is the product power decided to back. The investment thesis is clean: Morgan's audience believes he is outside the establishment. That belief is the asset. The boardroom is the establishment. The audience is the return on it.
When TalkTV finally pulled his linear television slot, the audience on that channel had collapsed to nine thousand viewers. Nine thousand. He moved to YouTube, declared it a revolution in independent media, and his new board of Goldman alumni and a Murdoch waved him off from the boardroom they all walked into on the same afternoon in July 2026.
He was never the outsider's champion.
He was always the insider who needed you to believe he wasn't.
THE PROMOTER DOES NOT BLEED. THE FIGHTER DOES. FOR THIRTY YEARS MORGAN HAS BUILT THE RING, BOOKED THE CARDS, BANKED THE RECEIPTS, AND NEVER ONCE STEPPED INTO IT HIMSELF. EVERY CAREER HE HAS ENDED. EVERY LIFE HE HAS DAMAGED. EVERY PIVOT HE HAS MADE WITHOUT EXPLANATION. EVERY PLATFORM HE HAS HANDED TO A MAN IN AN IRGC UNIFORM. EVERY VOICEMAIL HE HAS DENIED UNDER OATH. EVERY PHOTOGRAPH HE HAS FABRICATED. EVERY DIRTY MARTINI HE HAS WEAPONISED. THE RING IS STILL HIS. THE BLOOD IS ALWAYS SOMEONE ELSE'S. THAT IS THE WHOLE CAREER. THAT IS THE WHOLE MAN.
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Guy Spier 🇮🇱 🇺🇦 🇨🇭🇬🇧🇮🇷🇦🇪 retweeted
🚨 I spend an enormous amount of time trying to understand the chaos we're living through. Not the headlines. The machine behind them. 🚨
If you want to understand what Elon Musk is really fighting, and who is really fighting him, this is the clearest map I can give you.
nsive schools. Expensive healthcare. Taxes that rise every year while everything gets worse. Borders nobody voted to open. Speech rules nobody voted for.
Most people look at this and blame capitalism. The market failed, they say, so the state has to step in and fix it.
They have it exactly backwards. What they want to fix it with is what broke it. This isn't chaos, and it isn't capitalism. It has a direction, a method, and a hundred-year history. Let me reverse-engineer it.
In 1926, Mussolini's regime threw Antonio Gramsci, co-founder of the Italian Communist Party, into prison. From his cell he asked the question that would shape the next century: why did the revolution win in Russia but fail in the West, where Marx said it was inevitable?
His answer: in Russia, the state was everything, so seizing it was enough. In the West, the state was only the outer wall. Behind it stood the real fortress: the church, the family, the school, the press, the culture. Western workers never revolted because the culture held them.
So the conclusion was simple. Don't storm the palace. Capture the culture. Win the institutions and you never have to win the argument, because you decide which arguments are allowed.
In 1967, the German student leader Rudi Dutschke gave it a slogan: the long march through the institutions. Paris supplied the intellectual software, and I've already apologized for my country's part in that.
Then came the most patient operation in modern history. The students of the 60s became the professors of the 80s. Their students became the journalists, judges, civil servants and HR directors of the 2000s. Their students now run the foundations, the NGOs and the agencies. No single step looked like a revolution. That's exactly why it worked.
The method was communist. The ambition became global. And it grew like a cancer. A cancer never attacks the body head-on. It hijacks the body's own cells and feeds on the body's own resources. This system never had to defeat the West. It just had to make the West pay for it.
In America, the machine found a political home: the Democratic Party. Not the millions of decent people who vote for it. The apparatus. The donor networks, the activist groups, the consultants, the captured agencies that keep moving in the same direction whoever wins.
In Europe, it found something even better. The EU's founders, Schuman, Adenauer, De Gasperi, were Catholic anti-communists who wanted to make war impossible. But they built exactly what the long march dreams of: power that never has to face a voter. A Commission nobody directly elects holds the right to propose laws for 450 million people. Chat Control. The digital euro. Speech rules written in Brussels. Nobody stormed anything. They just drafted it.
Add the World Economic Forum, the UN agencies and the global foundation circuit, and you have the full map. You don't need a secret meeting when everyone went to the same schools, reads the same papers, funds the same NGOs and flies to the same conference in Davos every January. It's not a conspiracy. It's a class with shared incentives. That's harder to fight, because there's no headquarters to raid.
And the billionaires? Most people who became the richest in the world got absorbed. They built something real, then traded it for an aura. Bill Gates is the perfect example: he built the software that ran the world, then became the bankroller of global health bureaucracies and the funder of newsrooms covering his own causes. Laurene Powell Jobs bought The Atlantic. Benioff bought Time. You're not buying a business. You're buying the right to be called good by the people who decide who is good. That's the corruption. Not suitcases of cash. Money for aura, grants for loyalty, NGOs for policy. All legal. All invisible.
Here's the proof it's one system and not a hundred separate problems. Look at what happened to prices over the last 25 years. Everything exposed to markets and technology got cheaper: TVs, software, phones, clothing. Everything controlled by institutions exploded: college, healthcare, childcare. And housing, where you need a committee's permission to build anything. Same country, same economy, same decades. The difference isn't the product. It's who controls it.
Taxes go up and services get worse, because the money doesn't reach the services. It feeds the layers. Immigration happens at a scale no electorate clearly chose, because for a system that lives on managing problems, more problems means more budget. And a two-income family today can't buy the house their parents bought on one salary. That's real poverty, manufactured by a machine that is rewarded for looking good, never for being good.
MAGA isn't the cause of the chaos. It's the immune response. Brexit, the farmers' revolts, the votes shaking every European capital: same thing. The body finally noticed the tumor.
So what we're living through is not a normal political cycle. It's a fight to the death between two models. One runs on the perception of goodness. The other runs on reality.
And it had to be the richest man in the world. Anyone smaller would have been bought, sued or cancelled. Every billionaire before him took the deal. Elon walked out of the club and turned the lights on.
He bought Twitter for $44 billion, opened the Twitter Files and gave the world back a public square where any narrative can be checked in real time. He went inside the government and helped shut down USAID. Now Politico announces that the Democrats' gavels are coming for him. His answer: he'll find out who is really pulling the strings and go after them, not just their puppets.
He has one line he keeps coming back to: he cares about the reality of goodness, not the perception of it. That sentence is the whole war.
Now the part that makes me certain of how it ends.
A lie is expensive to maintain. It needs gatekeepers, censors, fact-checkers, friendly journalists, a budget, and constant repairs every time reality contradicts it. The truth costs nothing to maintain. It just keeps being true.
AI is driving the cost of checking anything toward zero. Any budget, any study, any statistic, any promise, audited in seconds by anyone with a phone. Yes, AI can generate lies at scale too. But producing a lie is cheap. Defending it against a billion instant audits is impossible.
That's what acceleration really means. It doesn't pick sides. It speeds up feedback loops. Systems aligned with reality compound. Systems built on lies hit the wall faster. And you cannot build rockets, design chips or cure diseases with a false model of the world. Physics doesn't read op-eds. The more intelligence we pour into the world, the more expensive every lie becomes.
You cannot scale a lie. You can only scale what's true.
We are close to the collapse of the old order and the birth of a new one. Not the one from the WEF's own 2016 video, "you'll own nothing and you'll be happy." The opposite. An order built on truth-seeking, efficiency, science, private property and free markets. You will own things. You will build things. And you'll be happy, because it will be real.
Gramsci's long march took a century. Its collapse will take years.
History will remember this moment. A man walked into the most powerful machine ever built, refused the deal everyone else took, and chose reality over perception.
I have never been more optimistic.
If you want to understand what Elon Musk is really fighting, and who is really fighting him, this is the clearest map I can give you.
nsive schools. Expensive healthcare. Taxes that rise every year while everything gets worse. Borders nobody voted to open. Speech rules nobody voted for.
Most people look at this and blame capitalism. The market failed, they say, so the state has to step in and fix it.
They have it exactly backwards. What they want to fix it with is what broke it. This isn't chaos, and it isn't capitalism. It has a direction, a method, and a hundred-year history. Let me reverse-engineer it.
In 1926, Mussolini's regime threw Antonio Gramsci, co-founder of the Italian Communist Party, into prison. From his cell he asked the question that would shape the next century: why did the revolution win in Russia but fail in the West, where Marx said it was inevitable?
His answer: in Russia, the state was everything, so seizing it was enough. In the West, the state was only the outer wall. Behind it stood the real fortress: the church, the family, the school, the press, the culture. Western workers never revolted because the culture held them.
So the conclusion was simple. Don't storm the palace. Capture the culture. Win the institutions and you never have to win the argument, because you decide which arguments are allowed.
In 1967, the German student leader Rudi Dutschke gave it a slogan: the long march through the institutions. Paris supplied the intellectual software, and I've already apologized for my country's part in that.
Then came the most patient operation in modern history. The students of the 60s became the professors of the 80s. Their students became the journalists, judges, civil servants and HR directors of the 2000s. Their students now run the foundations, the NGOs and the agencies. No single step looked like a revolution. That's exactly why it worked.
The method was communist. The ambition became global. And it grew like a cancer. A cancer never attacks the body head-on. It hijacks the body's own cells and feeds on the body's own resources. This system never had to defeat the West. It just had to make the West pay for it.
In America, the machine found a political home: the Democratic Party. Not the millions of decent people who vote for it. The apparatus. The donor networks, the activist groups, the consultants, the captured agencies that keep moving in the same direction whoever wins.
In Europe, it found something even better. The EU's founders, Schuman, Adenauer, De Gasperi, were Catholic anti-communists who wanted to make war impossible. But they built exactly what the long march dreams of: power that never has to face a voter. A Commission nobody directly elects holds the right to propose laws for 450 million people. Chat Control. The digital euro. Speech rules written in Brussels. Nobody stormed anything. They just drafted it.
Add the World Economic Forum, the UN agencies and the global foundation circuit, and you have the full map. You don't need a secret meeting when everyone went to the same schools, reads the same papers, funds the same NGOs and flies to the same conference in Davos every January. It's not a conspiracy. It's a class with shared incentives. That's harder to fight, because there's no headquarters to raid.
And the billionaires? Most people who became the richest in the world got absorbed. They built something real, then traded it for an aura. Bill Gates is the perfect example: he built the software that ran the world, then became the bankroller of global health bureaucracies and the funder of newsrooms covering his own causes. Laurene Powell Jobs bought The Atlantic. Benioff bought Time. You're not buying a business. You're buying the right to be called good by the people who decide who is good. That's the corruption. Not suitcases of cash. Money for aura, grants for loyalty, NGOs for policy. All legal. All invisible.
Here's the proof it's one system and not a hundred separate problems. Look at what happened to prices over the last 25 years. Everything exposed to markets and technology got cheaper: TVs, software, phones, clothing. Everything controlled by institutions exploded: college, healthcare, childcare. And housing, where you need a committee's permission to build anything. Same country, same economy, same decades. The difference isn't the product. It's who controls it.
Taxes go up and services get worse, because the money doesn't reach the services. It feeds the layers. Immigration happens at a scale no electorate clearly chose, because for a system that lives on managing problems, more problems means more budget. And a two-income family today can't buy the house their parents bought on one salary. That's real poverty, manufactured by a machine that is rewarded for looking good, never for being good.
MAGA isn't the cause of the chaos. It's the immune response. Brexit, the farmers' revolts, the votes shaking every European capital: same thing. The body finally noticed the tumor.
So what we're living through is not a normal political cycle. It's a fight to the death between two models. One runs on the perception of goodness. The other runs on reality.
And it had to be the richest man in the world. Anyone smaller would have been bought, sued or cancelled. Every billionaire before him took the deal. Elon walked out of the club and turned the lights on.
He bought Twitter for $44 billion, opened the Twitter Files and gave the world back a public square where any narrative can be checked in real time. He went inside the government and helped shut down USAID. Now Politico announces that the Democrats' gavels are coming for him. His answer: he'll find out who is really pulling the strings and go after them, not just their puppets.
He has one line he keeps coming back to: he cares about the reality of goodness, not the perception of it. That sentence is the whole war.
Now the part that makes me certain of how it ends.
A lie is expensive to maintain. It needs gatekeepers, censors, fact-checkers, friendly journalists, a budget, and constant repairs every time reality contradicts it. The truth costs nothing to maintain. It just keeps being true.
AI is driving the cost of checking anything toward zero. Any budget, any study, any statistic, any promise, audited in seconds by anyone with a phone. Yes, AI can generate lies at scale too. But producing a lie is cheap. Defending it against a billion instant audits is impossible.
That's what acceleration really means. It doesn't pick sides. It speeds up feedback loops. Systems aligned with reality compound. Systems built on lies hit the wall faster. And you cannot build rockets, design chips or cure diseases with a false model of the world. Physics doesn't read op-eds. The more intelligence we pour into the world, the more expensive every lie becomes.
You cannot scale a lie. You can only scale what's true.
We are close to the collapse of the old order and the birth of a new one. Not the one from the WEF's own 2016 video, "you'll own nothing and you'll be happy." The opposite. An order built on truth-seeking, efficiency, science, private property and free markets. You will own things. You will build things. And you'll be happy, because it will be real.
Gramsci's long march took a century. Its collapse will take years.
History will remember this moment. A man walked into the most powerful machine ever built, refused the deal everyone else took, and chose reality over perception.
I have never been more optimistic.
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Guy Spier 🇮🇱 🇺🇦 🇨🇭🇬🇧🇮🇷🇦🇪 retweeted
Something historic is happening across the West, and the legacy press can't see it, because the press is part of what is collapsing.
Peoples who were told for forty years that they had nothing in common are converging. Americans, French, Italians, Danes, British, Dutch. fferent histories, and the same conclusion reached at the same time. They have all seen the same thing at work in their own countries: what the French call islamo-gauchisme, the alliance between the radical left and political Islam. And they are all saying no.
To understand why their hegemony is close to total collapse, you have to use their own concept. "Hegemony" comes from Antonio Gramsci, the Italian Marxist who understood that power doesn't rest on force. It rests on consent, on people accepting a worldview as obvious, as the only respectable one. That's why the left spent fifty years on what one German activist called the long march through the institutions. Universities, newsrooms, publishing houses, cultural ministries. Own the narrative and you own the country.
But hegemony has a weakness Gramsci himself understood. It dies the moment consent dies. And consent is dying everywhere at once.
They are losing the media war. In the 1970s, around 70% of Americans trusted the mass media. Today it's less than a third. In France, the gap between what the TV news says and what people see on their own street has become a joke. The gatekeepers lost the gate. An engineer with a phone can now reach more people than an evening news broadcast. The monopoly on the narrative, the foundation of the whole edifice, is gone.
And reality is finishing the job. Look at France. A movement that started in high schools ended on October 17 with city halls stormed, Limoges city hall burning and looting across Marseille, while the radical left blamed the police. The French saw it with their own eyes, without a filter. Today's polls show the radical left's candidate losing a presidential runoff by roughly two to one. You can deconstruct a text. You can't deconstruct a burning city hall.
Then comes the blow they can never recover from: abundance.
Collectivism has always been a politics of scarcity. Its whole logic is that the pie is fixed, so someone's gain is someone else's theft, so the state must take and redistribute, ration and control. That's why its latest form is degrowth. Planners need scarcity the way fire needs oxygen.
What is being built right now makes that logic obsolete. AI is collapsing the cost of intelligence. Robotics is about to collapse the cost of labor. Reusable rockets have already slashed the cost of reaching space. Elon Musk and thousands of builders like him are proving every day that the pie is not fixed. It can grow faster than anyone imagined. In a world of abundance, envy loses its grip and the planner loses his excuse. And AI does one more thing: it ends opacity. When any citizen can trace public money in minutes, the networks that live in the dark have nowhere left to hide.
So what comes next? Two things, in this order.
First, the reckoning, and this is where we have to be better than them. There will be no purges and no lists, and nobody will be prosecuted for having been wrong. Being wrong is not a crime, and we will never become what we fought. But aggravated corruption is a crime. Public money diverted to networks, fraud, abuse of office: those must be investigated, proven and judged one by one, by independent courts, with evidence, due process and the presumption of innocence. We don't jail people for their ideas. We jail people for stealing. That difference is the whole difference between a free civilization and the regimes we oppose.
Second, the reunification of the West. That doesn't mean another supranational empire run by unelected officials, which is the model that failed. It means a West of strong, sovereign nations that choose to work together. Agreements between countries that control their borders, produce their own energy, build their own AI and defend themselves, and that trade and cooperate as equals because they share the same foundations: the free individual, the rule of law, the right to build.
Gramsci's heirs spent fifty years winning the institutions. They are losing them in five, because they forgot that hegemony only lasts as long as reality cooperates.
Reality has stopped cooperating. Now it's our turn to build.
Peoples who were told for forty years that they had nothing in common are converging. Americans, French, Italians, Danes, British, Dutch. fferent histories, and the same conclusion reached at the same time. They have all seen the same thing at work in their own countries: what the French call islamo-gauchisme, the alliance between the radical left and political Islam. And they are all saying no.
To understand why their hegemony is close to total collapse, you have to use their own concept. "Hegemony" comes from Antonio Gramsci, the Italian Marxist who understood that power doesn't rest on force. It rests on consent, on people accepting a worldview as obvious, as the only respectable one. That's why the left spent fifty years on what one German activist called the long march through the institutions. Universities, newsrooms, publishing houses, cultural ministries. Own the narrative and you own the country.
But hegemony has a weakness Gramsci himself understood. It dies the moment consent dies. And consent is dying everywhere at once.
They are losing the media war. In the 1970s, around 70% of Americans trusted the mass media. Today it's less than a third. In France, the gap between what the TV news says and what people see on their own street has become a joke. The gatekeepers lost the gate. An engineer with a phone can now reach more people than an evening news broadcast. The monopoly on the narrative, the foundation of the whole edifice, is gone.
And reality is finishing the job. Look at France. A movement that started in high schools ended on October 17 with city halls stormed, Limoges city hall burning and looting across Marseille, while the radical left blamed the police. The French saw it with their own eyes, without a filter. Today's polls show the radical left's candidate losing a presidential runoff by roughly two to one. You can deconstruct a text. You can't deconstruct a burning city hall.
Then comes the blow they can never recover from: abundance.
Collectivism has always been a politics of scarcity. Its whole logic is that the pie is fixed, so someone's gain is someone else's theft, so the state must take and redistribute, ration and control. That's why its latest form is degrowth. Planners need scarcity the way fire needs oxygen.
What is being built right now makes that logic obsolete. AI is collapsing the cost of intelligence. Robotics is about to collapse the cost of labor. Reusable rockets have already slashed the cost of reaching space. Elon Musk and thousands of builders like him are proving every day that the pie is not fixed. It can grow faster than anyone imagined. In a world of abundance, envy loses its grip and the planner loses his excuse. And AI does one more thing: it ends opacity. When any citizen can trace public money in minutes, the networks that live in the dark have nowhere left to hide.
So what comes next? Two things, in this order.
First, the reckoning, and this is where we have to be better than them. There will be no purges and no lists, and nobody will be prosecuted for having been wrong. Being wrong is not a crime, and we will never become what we fought. But aggravated corruption is a crime. Public money diverted to networks, fraud, abuse of office: those must be investigated, proven and judged one by one, by independent courts, with evidence, due process and the presumption of innocence. We don't jail people for their ideas. We jail people for stealing. That difference is the whole difference between a free civilization and the regimes we oppose.
Second, the reunification of the West. That doesn't mean another supranational empire run by unelected officials, which is the model that failed. It means a West of strong, sovereign nations that choose to work together. Agreements between countries that control their borders, produce their own energy, build their own AI and defend themselves, and that trade and cooperate as equals because they share the same foundations: the free individual, the rule of law, the right to build.
Gramsci's heirs spent fifty years winning the institutions. They are losing them in five, because they forgot that hegemony only lasts as long as reality cooperates.
Reality has stopped cooperating. Now it's our turn to build.
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Guy Spier 🇮🇱 🇺🇦 🇨🇭🇬🇧🇮🇷🇦🇪 retweeted
I wrote this description/warning of what is happening in the West. Please watch it and share it with others. @idicenter
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A new damning disclosure may finally be too much for even diehard Democrats to overlook. jewishjournal.com/commentary/opi…
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🚨 IT WAS NEVER ABOUT ISRAEL.
Source: @ArielAverbuch on Instagram
Follow him for more.
Link in comments.
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Did not expect a question that starts out 'Do you think before you speak?' to go so well. A+ question from Charlotte Harpur A++ response from Eileen Gu.
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Guy Spier 🇮🇱 🇺🇦 🇨🇭🇬🇧🇮🇷🇦🇪 retweeted
Ask yourself a simple question. Why is almost every celebrity on the same side?
Actors, singers, late-night hosts, award-show presenters. Thousands of people with different backgrounds, different lives, different temperaments. And somehow, on every major issue, they land on the exact same opinion, at the exact same moment, with the exact same hashtags. Free minds don't behave like that. An ecosystem does.
Now ask a second question. Elon Musk is landing rockets on their own tails. He's bringing internet to villages that never had a phone line. He's building cars that drive themselves and implants that let paralyzed people move a cursor with their thoughts. Artists are supposed to be the ones who dream about the future. Here is a man actually building it. How many of them stand next to him? A handful. Why?
Because Hollywood is not a free market of talent. It's a royal court.
A young actor doesn't make it because he's good. Hundreds are good. He makes it because someone lets him in: an agent, a casting director, a producer, a studio, an awards committee. Every step is a gate, and every gate has a keeper. When your whole career depends on a few rooms, you learn very quickly what can be said in those rooms and what can't.
This is how it works. First you stay silent. Then you nod. Then you repeat. Then you believe. Compromise never arrives all at once. It arrives one dinner, one role, one red carpet at a time. And once you've given up enough, you need the system to stay in place, because the system is the only thing that makes the sacrifice worth it.
Want to see the whole mechanism in a single story? For decades, one of the most powerful producers in Hollywood was the subject of accusations from dozens of women, and much of the industry treated it as an open secret. A host even joked about it at an Oscar nominations announcement, and the room laughed. Speaking up seriously meant losing everything. When the truth finally broke, the same industry dressed in black and applauded its own courage. Silence while it pays. Virtue once it's safe. That's the system.
And that's the real lie. Not that these people are monsters. Most aren't. The lie is calling it courage. Real courage costs you something. Saying what every room in town already applauds costs nothing. Saying the opposite is what costs. That's why so few artists stand with Elon. Not because they've studied his ideas and rejected them, but because standing there is a career risk they can't afford.
Look at what happened to him when he left the consensus. Advertisers fled. Friends disappeared. Invitations stopped. He could afford it. Almost nobody else can. That tells you exactly how free that world really is.
So wake up. Stop taking your political cues from people whose paycheck depends on agreeing. A celebrity endorsement is not an argument. It's a loyalty signal. Your vote, your convictions, your children's future: don't outsource them to people who are paid to recite lines someone else wrote.
The people who build the future rarely get applause from the people who perform it.
Think for yourself. It's the most American thing you can do.
Actors, singers, late-night hosts, award-show presenters. Thousands of people with different backgrounds, different lives, different temperaments. And somehow, on every major issue, they land on the exact same opinion, at the exact same moment, with the exact same hashtags. Free minds don't behave like that. An ecosystem does.
Now ask a second question. Elon Musk is landing rockets on their own tails. He's bringing internet to villages that never had a phone line. He's building cars that drive themselves and implants that let paralyzed people move a cursor with their thoughts. Artists are supposed to be the ones who dream about the future. Here is a man actually building it. How many of them stand next to him? A handful. Why?
Because Hollywood is not a free market of talent. It's a royal court.
A young actor doesn't make it because he's good. Hundreds are good. He makes it because someone lets him in: an agent, a casting director, a producer, a studio, an awards committee. Every step is a gate, and every gate has a keeper. When your whole career depends on a few rooms, you learn very quickly what can be said in those rooms and what can't.
This is how it works. First you stay silent. Then you nod. Then you repeat. Then you believe. Compromise never arrives all at once. It arrives one dinner, one role, one red carpet at a time. And once you've given up enough, you need the system to stay in place, because the system is the only thing that makes the sacrifice worth it.
Want to see the whole mechanism in a single story? For decades, one of the most powerful producers in Hollywood was the subject of accusations from dozens of women, and much of the industry treated it as an open secret. A host even joked about it at an Oscar nominations announcement, and the room laughed. Speaking up seriously meant losing everything. When the truth finally broke, the same industry dressed in black and applauded its own courage. Silence while it pays. Virtue once it's safe. That's the system.
And that's the real lie. Not that these people are monsters. Most aren't. The lie is calling it courage. Real courage costs you something. Saying what every room in town already applauds costs nothing. Saying the opposite is what costs. That's why so few artists stand with Elon. Not because they've studied his ideas and rejected them, but because standing there is a career risk they can't afford.
Look at what happened to him when he left the consensus. Advertisers fled. Friends disappeared. Invitations stopped. He could afford it. Almost nobody else can. That tells you exactly how free that world really is.
So wake up. Stop taking your political cues from people whose paycheck depends on agreeing. A celebrity endorsement is not an argument. It's a loyalty signal. Your vote, your convictions, your children's future: don't outsource them to people who are paid to recite lines someone else wrote.
The people who build the future rarely get applause from the people who perform it.
Think for yourself. It's the most American thing you can do.
I’m French. I want to talk to Americans who are about to vote Democrat. Not to insult you. To warn you.
I come from your future.
In France we did everything your progressive politicians promise. Free healthcare, free college, generous welfare, strong unions, heavy regulation, high taxes on the rich, a state that takes care of everything. Public spending close to 57% of GDP, one of the highest on the planet. On paper, it’s the dream.
Here’s what it looks like from the inside. France hasn’t passed a balanced budget since 1974. Our debt is above 3,300 billion euros. Interest on that debt is becoming one of the biggest items in the national budget. Our hospitals are collapsing despite record funding. Our schools rank lower every year. Young people with degrees can’t afford an apartment in the city they were born in. Our best engineers leave for London, Zurich and San Francisco. And the rich you wanted to tax? They left too, and took the jobs with them.
The promise was protection. The result is stagnation.
The worst part is that nobody in France voted for decline. Every single step sounded generous, compassionate, reasonable. One more program. One more regulation. One more tax to fund it. Each step alone makes sense. Fifty years of them, and you wake up in a country that can no longer build a nuclear plant on time or keep its streets safe.
I love America because it’s the one place on earth where people still believe they can build something from nothing. I came to Silicon Valley as a self-taught kid and it changed my life. That spirit is the most precious thing your country has.
Before you vote, ask yourself one question: is the program you’re voting for making America more like America, or more like France?
Trust me. You don’t want to be France.
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I’m French. I want to talk to Americans who are about to vote Democrat. Not to insult you. To warn you.
I come from your future.
In France we did everything your progressive politicians promise. Free healthcare, free college, generous welfare, strong unions, heavy regulation, high taxes on the rich, a state that takes care of everything. Public spending close to 57% of GDP, one of the highest on the planet. On paper, it’s the dream.
Here’s what it looks like from the inside. France hasn’t passed a balanced budget since 1974. Our debt is above 3,300 billion euros. Interest on that debt is becoming one of the biggest items in the national budget. Our hospitals are collapsing despite record funding. Our schools rank lower every year. Young people with degrees can’t afford an apartment in the city they were born in. Our best engineers leave for London, Zurich and San Francisco. And the rich you wanted to tax? They left too, and took the jobs with them.
The promise was protection. The result is stagnation.
The worst part is that nobody in France voted for decline. Every single step sounded generous, compassionate, reasonable. One more program. One more regulation. One more tax to fund it. Each step alone makes sense. Fifty years of them, and you wake up in a country that can no longer build a nuclear plant on time or keep its streets safe.
I love America because it’s the one place on earth where people still believe they can build something from nothing. I came to Silicon Valley as a self-taught kid and it changed my life. That spirit is the most precious thing your country has.
Before you vote, ask yourself one question: is the program you’re voting for making America more like America, or more like France?
Trust me. You don’t want to be France.
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I am a member of the Norwegian Nobel Committee.
There are five of us. Five people, appointed by a parliament most of the planet could not find on a map, who decide, once a year, which human being the world has agreed to call good.
I know. I know. I think about it on the tram.
We meet in a building on Henrik Ibsens gate, a street named after a man who wrote almost exclusively about people discovering they are frauds, which nobody on the committee finds funny except me. There is a room with a long table and the portraits of the dead laureates looking down, Mandela, the Dalai Lama, a great many earnest men in spectacles, and one portrait we do not discuss, which is Kissinger, 1973, awarded while the bombs were still falling, after which two of our predecessors resigned and the satirist Tom Lehrer said political satire was now obsolete. We keep him on the wall. A reminder. Every family has the uncle.
It is October in Oslo, which means the sun gives up around four in the afternoon like a civil servant, and it rains the particular Norwegian rain that isn’t quite falling, just hanging there, judging you. I arrive with wet shoes. I always arrive with wet shoes. There is coffee, because this is Norway and there is always coffee, we drink more of it per person than almost anyone alive, and someone’s wife has sent kanelboller, the cinnamon buns, and we sit, five Norwegians, damp, caffeinated, sugared, and we decide the moral standing of the entire species.
Let me tell you how it actually works, because the world imagines a cathedral and it is, I promise you, a book club with a mandate.
287 nominations this year. 208 people, 79 organizations. Anyone can nominate, that’s the secret nobody understands: a professor, a parliamentarian, a former laureate, so the “nominee” list is meaningless, it’s a suggestion box, and every autumn some congressman nominates his own golden retriever and the press writes “SHORTLISTED.” Nobody is shortlisted. There is no short list the public ever sees. There is us, and the coffee, and the rain, and the portraits, and a Norwegian stubbornness that is older than the prize itself.
We read reports. The institute’s advisers write them, thick dull documents, and we argue. Our chairman told the BBC once that in the final meeting “there is a high temperature.” High temperature, for a Norwegian, means someone slightly raised an eyebrow and then apologized for it. We don’t do high temperature. We do a long silence, and then Kristin says “well,” and everyone knows exactly what “well” meant, and it’s settled. That’s our shouting. “Well.” You’d have to be raised here to hear the violence in it.
Now. This year. I will not say the name, because we never say the name, but you know the name.
A certain head of state wanted this prize the way a child wants a thing in a shop window, which is to say loudly, and in public, and with the full belief that wanting it was itself the argument. He said he deserved it. He said he’d ended eight wars, a number that grew most times he said it, like a fish. He had other heads of state phone us. Israel’s prime minister posted it on the internet, “Give him the Nobel.” The leaders of Cambodia and Pakistan announced they’d nominated him, as though announcing it were part of it, as though we tally mentions. A man flew around the globe collecting endorsements for a Norwegian committee the way you’d collect signatures for a petition to the council about a noisy dog.
And here, uff da, is the detail I treasure, the one that makes me smile into my coffee. The nomination deadline is the 31st of January. He took office on the 20th. So for all the phone calls, all the posts, all the gilded lobbying, the only nominations that could possibly count for this year’s prize were filed in the first eleven days of his term, before he had, by his own arithmetic, ended a single one of the eight wars. He campaigned all year for a prize whose window had shut while he was still hanging up his coat. We didn’t have to reject him. The calendar did. We just watched. Norwegians are very good at watching. We have long winters.
People think we sit there weighing his deeds. We don’t. That’s the thing I can’t make the world understand. We’re not grading his homework. We don’t owe anyone the prize for a ceasefire, however real, however loud the announcement. “He made peace” is not a sentence that ends in a medal, the way he believes it does, the way he believes every good thing ends in his name on it. The will of a dead Swede says the prize goes to whoever did the most for fraternity between nations. A dead Swede, I should add, who made his entire fortune inventing dynamite and selling arms, and spent his last years horrified at his own obituary, which called him a merchant of death, and so bought his way to immortality as a man of peace. The whole prize is one guilty arms dealer’s attempt to launder his name. We are, all of us, administering a dead man’s public relations. I find this clarifying. It keeps me humble. It should keep everyone humble, and it keeps, by my count, no one humble at all.
So who did we give it to?
An eighty-five-year-old woman. A judge. Born in Durban, under apartheid, granddaughter of a Tamil man who came to South Africa as indentured labor, a bus driver’s daughter from the poor Indian quarter, who became the first non-white woman to run a law practice in her province, who defended Mandela’s people when defending them was dangerous, who sat on the Rwanda tribunal and the court at the Hague, and who, at eighty-five, is right now a judge weighing whether a genocide is a genocide. When we told the world, our chairman said the rule of law “underpins the system we have set up to ensure peace,” and that “peace requires justice.” She wasn’t even in Oslo. She was in Nuremberg. In courtroom 600. The actual room where they tried the Nazis. You cannot stage that. God staged that, and God, it turns out, is a better satirist than any of us.
She did not phone us. She did not post. No prime minister demanded it for her on the internet. She had, as far as our deliberations are concerned, the one qualification the loud man could never manufacture, which is that she wanted the work and not the medal. The medal finds those people. It flees the ones who chase it. This is not a rule we wrote. It’s just the only pattern the hundred-odd years of our mistakes has ever shown.
The reaction from across the ocean was immediate. His spokesman posted that we “place politics over peace.” Ja. Perhaps. We’re five damp pensioners in a rainy city; of course it’s political, it was always political, it was political when we gave it to a sitting American president nine months into his first term for the promise of things he had not yet done, and we have been quietly embarrassed about that one for fifteen years, so believe me, we had a particular reason this year to prefer a woman with fifty years of verdicts behind her over a man with eight wars in front of him and a deadline already behind him.
Here is what he will never understand, the thing I’d tell him on the tram if he ever took one. We are the one prize he cannot buy, cannot post his way to, cannot have a friendly dictator phone in for him. Not because we’re incorruptible, nei, we’re as vain and wrong and human as the portraits on our wall. But because the entire point of the thing, the only power a small cold country’s book club has ever held, is that it goes to the person not performing the wanting. The moment you demand it, you’ve proven you don’t understand what it’s for, and proving that is itself the disqualification. He ran the most expensive campaign in the history of the prize and the campaign was the reason. He was never losing to Navi Pillay. He was losing to the concept.
It’s dark now. Four o’clock dark. The buns are gone. Kristin said “well” an hour ago and we all went home. I’m on the tram with my wet shoes, and somewhere across the water a very powerful man is explaining to a camera that the prize is rigged, that we’re corrupt, that he’ll win it next year, and he genuinely might, we’re only five idiots and we’ve been wrong before, Kissinger is still on the wall.
But not this year. This year an old woman in Nuremberg, in the room where the law once stared down the exact kind of man who thinks wanting a thing loudly enough should make it his, got a phone call she didn’t ask for.
That’s the job. We don’t reward the man who ends the war and announces it.
We reward the woman who spent fifty years deciding what a war was.
He’ll never see the difference. That’s rather the whole point of him.
Takk for i dag. I have to change trams.
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Guy Spier 🇮🇱 🇺🇦 🇨🇭🇬🇧🇮🇷🇦🇪 retweeted
Abdul El-Sayed’s sister is deleting posts admitting that her family are active within the Muslim Brotherhood.
It would be a shame if this went viral.
It would be a shame if this went viral.
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Guy Spier 🇮🇱 🇺🇦 🇨🇭🇬🇧🇮🇷🇦🇪 retweeted
THEY SHUT DOWN ANOTHER POWERFUL VOICE
Sahar has been demonetized by @YouTube. He's an Israeli with a calm, empathetic approach. He builds bridges.
He has more than 800K subscribers.
If you don't fight for Sahar, there will be no one left to fight for you.
🎥 @OfficialSaharTV
Sahar has been demonetized by @YouTube. He's an Israeli with a calm, empathetic approach. He builds bridges.
He has more than 800K subscribers.
If you don't fight for Sahar, there will be no one left to fight for you.
🎥 @OfficialSaharTV
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