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Why does Canada exist as a separate country at all?
With Trump’s threats of annexation, images of North America draped in the red, white, and blue, and talk of Canada as the 51st state, a basic question underlies the current dispute.
Why didn’t Britain’s possessions north of colonies become part of the United States?
This is a strangely personal story for me, as my ancestors played an outsized role in engineering the Canadian nation into existence. 1/ a🧵
With Trump’s threats of annexation, images of North America draped in the red, white, and blue, and talk of Canada as the 51st state, a basic question underlies the current dispute.
Why didn’t Britain’s possessions north of colonies become part of the United States?
This is a strangely personal story for me, as my ancestors played an outsized role in engineering the Canadian nation into existence. 1/ a🧵
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chris keefer retweeted
Wind West has been advanced with almost no public discussion on the costs and benefits. Economist @E_R_Sepulveda lays out the facts, costs and regulatory pitfalls that await this ill-conceived project: “Wind West power at more than $200/MWh could only be resold at a loss.”
macdonaldlaurier.ca/wind-west-nova…
macdonaldlaurier.ca/wind-west-nova…
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“Atlantic Canada has seen this pattern before: large wind-powered visions, public money up front, and a pivot when buyers fail to materialize. Wind West deserves scrutiny in that light. It is a first-of-its-kind offshore wind project in Canada, built with other people’s money, with no guaranteed buyer, producing electricity for export at more than $200/MWh, plus about $70/MWh for new transmission to reach buyers. Each of those features is a risk, and federal taxpayers are being asked to carry it ….”
Nova Scotia’s proposed Wind West offshore energy project promises to transform the province into a major electricity exporter, yet its enormous scale, uncertain buyers, and rising costs raise serious questions about its economic viability
“Atlantic Canada has seen this pattern red visions, public money up front, and a pivot when buyers fail to materialize. Wind West deserves scrutiny in that light. It is a first-of-its-kind offshore wind project in Canada, built with other people’s money, with no guaranteed buyer, producing electricity for export at more than $200/MWh, plus about $70/MWh for new transmission to reach buyers. Each of those features is a risk, and federal taxpayers are being asked to carry it ….”
In “Wind West: Nova Scotia’s offshore wind gamble with Ottawa’s money,” economist Edgardo Sepulveda (@E_R_Sepulveda) examines the project’s underlying assumptions, arguing that its projected costs are too optimistic, its export market too uncertain, and the electricity it generates will struggle to compete with cheaper, more reliable alternatives.
Read full commentary here⬇️
macdonaldlaurier.ca/wind-west-nova…
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chris keefer retweeted
The realities of renewables in cold, dark locations.
“Yukon Energy planned to connect a $35-million Whitehorse battery-storage system to the grid this year, describing it as “crucial” for improving grid stability. But the batteries froze during last December’s cold snap after generators that had been keeping them warm failed…
Energy think tanks, such as the Pembina Institute, promote adoption of renewable generation throughout the North to replace diesel generators. But the Yukon government says it has already reached the limits of its ability to incorporate renewables.
Mr. Laking said the territory’s solar facilities actually drew more power than they generated during the cold snap, owing to the energy used to heat them.”
theglobeandmail.com/business/artic…
“Yukon Energy planned to connect a $35-million Whitehorse battery-storage system to the grid this year, describing it as “crucial” for improving grid stability. But the batteries froze during last December’s cold snap after generators that had been keeping them warm failed…
Energy think tanks, such as the Pembina Institute, promote adoption of renewable generation throughout the North to replace diesel generators. But the Yukon government says it has already reached the limits of its ability to incorporate renewables.
Mr. Laking said the territory’s solar facilities actually drew more power than they generated during the cold snap, owing to the energy used to heat them.”
theglobeandmail.com/business/artic…
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Unusually insightful and honest
One of the things the data analysts on our side obsessed over was "composition"—whether the electorate looked close enough to 2024 for Republicans to win. And despite polls that showed a Democrat blowout, the data kept on telling us the same story: in some states turnout was merely OK, in other states it was downright amazing, and in no state was it catastrophic. There was a genuine sense of optimism on our team: our people were showing up.
So, I asked the smartest data guy I know, does that mean we're going to shock the world? "No," he told me. "We might do better than the polls suggest. But the data is telling us that a lot of Trump/Vance 2024 voters are pissed and planning to vote for the other guys. Our voters are turning out, but they may not vote for us."
Well, that looks prophetic now. Our voters did show up. In Florida, for example, the electorate was 9 points more Republican than Democrat, just a couple points worse than 2024. Undoubtedly there were places we could have done better on turnout. But the main problem is not turnout. The main problem is that many people who voted for Trump/Vance in 2024 voted for Democrats in 2026.
There will be a lot of infighting and arguing over what happened and why that is. One of the pollsters I really respect told me that our economic messaging wasn’t sharp enough down the stretch. I’m sure that’s true.
But the real reason we lost is obvious to almost everyone.
Another pollster—one of the smartest people I know in politics, told me yesterday we’d lose the generic ballot by 13 points. I felt negative going into Tuesday, but even I was shocked by this. In his polling, he saw that a lot of Trump 2024 voters were angry and planning to vote for Democrats. He asked those voters who had abandoned us what would cause them to come back on our team. The top four answers, accounting for nearly all of the responses were:
1) End the war
2) Focus on cost of living/inflation
3) Put America First
4) Change our relationship to Israel
Our voters showed up. And the above four reasons are why many of them voted for Democrats. This is according to a pollster who nailed the results. While many spent Monday attacking Rachel Campos Duffy for calling for a diplomatic resolution to the conflict, it turns out her political advice was sound. (She’s also a great person.)
In the next few months, there's going to be a lot of gaslighting. Expect to hear any number of establishment politicians say the solution to our woes is amnesty. I'm open to the idea that we should change enforcement—by focusing more on businesses that hire illegal labor, for instance. But anyone pushing amnesty is lying to you.
The reason we lost is the war. The president himself said so last night.
If you'd like to argue it was worth it, that losing the Senate for the next 6 years was worth it, then do so. Argue it was a worthwhile cost to pay. Agree or disagree, that's at least honest.
But everyone knows why we lost. And any honest conversation about where we go from here must start there.
I remain hopeful about our country. To the people who are pissed off and want to say, “I told you so”: you’re right, you did tell us so. Take that energy into electing Republicans who share your worldview. To the people who are just pissed at the results, you should be. Let’s take that anger and get back to the work of saving our country.
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I told the attendees of the Denkfabrik R 21 conference that Germany is a sleeping nuclear giant and has the capabilities to restore, reliable, cheap power, reverse deindustrialization and restore its energy security by following the Canadian and US lead in refurbishing and restarting it’s partially decommissioned nuclear fleet.
A detailed engineering study from @RadiantEnergyG with close collaboration with @Nuklearia demonstrates as much.
@Nuklearia is at the forefront of developing the cutting-edge policies needed to reverse two decades of disastrous energy decisions.
Germany’s nuclear phaseout was a political choice. It can be politically reversed.
Six reactors deserve urgent consideration for restart: Brokdorf, Emsland, Grohnde, Isar 2, Neckarwestheim 2 and Gundremmingen C.
These power plants can be restarted at fraction of the cost and time required for new construction, with the most promising reactors potentially returning to service within a few years.
Ontario has demonstrated the value of restarting retired nuclear capacity. American projects at Three Mile Island, Palisades and Duane Arnold are following suit.
Germany also has a special responsibility to act. More than four years after Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine, Europe remains the largest customer for Russian LNG. Astonishingly, 97% of shipments from Russia’s Yamal LNG project went to the EU in the first half of 2026.
Restoring Germany’s nuclear fleet would help rebuild its industrial competitiveness, reduce deadly air pollution and reduces dependence on Russian LNG.
The greatest obstacle is political will.
As Milton Friedman argued, our task is to keep policies alive until the politically impossible becomes the politically inevitable.
@Nuklearia is doing precisely that.
A detailed engineering study from @RadiantEnergyG with close collaboration with @Nuklearia demonstrates as much.
@Nuklearia is at the forefront of developing the cutting-edge policies needed to reverse two decades of disastrous energy decisions.
Germany’s nuclear phaseout was a political choice. It can be politically reversed.
Six reactors deserve urgent consideration for restart: Brokdorf, Emsland, Grohnde, Isar 2, Neckarwestheim 2 and Gundremmingen C.
These power plants can be restarted at fraction of the cost and time required for new construction, with the most promising reactors potentially returning to service within a few years.
Ontario has demonstrated the value of restarting retired nuclear capacity. American projects at Three Mile Island, Palisades and Duane Arnold are following suit.
Germany also has a special responsibility to act. More than four years after Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine, Europe remains the largest customer for Russian LNG. Astonishingly, 97% of shipments from Russia’s Yamal LNG project went to the EU in the first half of 2026.
Restoring Germany’s nuclear fleet would help rebuild its industrial competitiveness, reduce deadly air pollution and reduces dependence on Russian LNG.
The greatest obstacle is political will.
As Milton Friedman argued, our task is to keep policies alive until the politically impossible becomes the politically inevitable.
@Nuklearia is doing precisely that.
@schroeder_k @Jan_Barkmann_ @WeplanetDACH Wir freuen uns über den Shout-out des kanadischen Notfallchirurg @Dr_Keefer! Er sagt, Deutschland kann seine Kernkraftwerke genauso wieder in Betrieb nehmen wie es Kanada gemacht hat, um Tote durch Luftverschmutzung zu vemeiden und die Wirtschaft zu revitalisieren!
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chris keefer retweeted
imo this is some quality reporting by Matthew McClearn, and exemplary tanking of actual thought from the ignorant yet pious Pembina
[subscription: theglobeandmail.com/business/artic… ]
[subscription: theglobeandmail.com/business/artic… ]
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Yesterday I appeared before the House of Commons Natural Resources committee to make the case for a Canadian nuclear industrial strategy centred on CANDU.
As Washington mobilizes behind Westinghouse and the AP1000, Canada faces a defining choice: will we champion our own reactor d an American industrial enterprise with Canadian shareholders?
My five-minute testimony is below.
For the full transcript and deeper analysis, visit my Subst@ck, Decouple Media. Link in the comments.
As Washington mobilizes behind Westinghouse and the AP1000, Canada faces a defining choice: will we champion our own reactor d an American industrial enterprise with Canadian shareholders?
My five-minute testimony is below.
For the full transcript and deeper analysis, visit my Subst@ck, Decouple Media. Link in the comments.
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« J'aurais gagné la guerre du Vietnam en une semaine. J'aurais bombardé Hô Chi Minh-Ville (alors Saïgon). »
Quand tu montres que tu es aussi nul en stratégie militaire qu'en histoire...
Si Donald Trump n'avait pas bénéficié de cinq exemptions pour éviter de servir au Vietnam, il ait la capitale de ses alliés et le quartier général des forces américaines.
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Amid an escalating trade war with the United States, Ottawa is signaling a renewed preference for Canada’s CANDU technology to maximize its strategic autonomy and return on investment for Canadians.
Enter Tim Gitzel, CEO of Cameco, one of Canada’s great industrial success stories, which now owns a 49% stake in Westinghouse (WEC).
In recent testimony before Parliament’s Natural Resources Committee, he invoked Cameco’s Canadian credentials to argue that Ottawa should accord the American AP1000 reactor the same standing as CANDU in its nuclear industrial policy.
There is a certain irony here. Cameco’s Canadian identity is the product of precisely the kind of deliberate industrial policy Ottawa is reviving.
As a legacy of its Crown corporation origins, its corporate charter requires that its headquarters remain in Saskatchewan & that its senior executives reside there.
The provincial government retains a special "Golden Share" that protects these provisions, ensuring Saskatchewan captures more than mining jobs & royalties. The strategic decision-making remains firmly rooted in the province.
Westinghouse represents a parallel American history to Cameco.
Its PWR technology emerged from the U.S. naval nuclear program under Admiral Hyman Rickover, developed in close collaboration with the US Navy, AEC & national laboratories.
Backed by U.S. diplomacy, financing & industrial might, it became one of America's most successful nuclear exports.
Its headquarters remain stubbornly in Pittsburgh despite frequent changes in international ownership over the last 30 years from British to Japanese to Canadian corporate entities.
While Cameco objects to Ottawa’s recent pro-CANDU moves, WEC gets plenty of government support. It just happens to come from the United States of America.
Washington is mobilizing behind WEC as its Nuclear technology champion. Examples include an agreement that contemplates US$ 80 billion in reactor projects & conditional DOE financing of US$ 17.5 billion for up to ten AP1000s.
Meanwhile, WEC's Canadian ownership may be in flux ahead of a potential IPO, with the US government positioned to acquire a substantial equity stake.
South Korean firms are also exploring ownership & supply-chain participation under a $120 billion nuclear partnership. And speaking of a "Golden Share," Korean media reports Washington may get one, granting it veto rights over major corporate decisions.
This is no time for the familiar Canadian reflex of excessive politeness, conflict avoidance & attempts to please everyone.
We need something of C.D. Howe’s wartime ambition: the confidence to identify vital national interests, mobilize our industrial capabilities & pursue them unapologetically.
Canada built its nuclear industry through precisely that kind of determination & should approach its future with the same resolve.
This is an excerpt from a more detailed essay. Read it on my Substack.
decouple.media/p/the-great-ca…
Enter Tim Gitzel, CEO of Cameco, one of Canada’s great industrial success stories, which now owns a 49% stake in Westinghouse (WEC).
In recent testimony before Parliament’s Natural Resources Committee, he invoked Cameco’s Canadian credentials to argue that Ottawa should accord the American AP1000 reactor the same standing as CANDU in its nuclear industrial policy.
There is a certain irony here. Cameco’s Canadian identity is the product of precisely the kind of deliberate industrial policy Ottawa is reviving.
As a legacy of its Crown corporation origins, its corporate charter requires that its headquarters remain in Saskatchewan & that its senior executives reside there.
The provincial government retains a special "Golden Share" that protects these provisions, ensuring Saskatchewan captures more than mining jobs & royalties. The strategic decision-making remains firmly rooted in the province.
Westinghouse represents a parallel American history to Cameco.
Its PWR technology emerged from the U.S. naval nuclear program under Admiral Hyman Rickover, developed in close collaboration with the US Navy, AEC & national laboratories.
Backed by U.S. diplomacy, financing & industrial might, it became one of America's most successful nuclear exports.
Its headquarters remain stubbornly in Pittsburgh despite frequent changes in international ownership over the last 30 years from British to Japanese to Canadian corporate entities.
While Cameco objects to Ottawa’s recent pro-CANDU moves, WEC gets plenty of government support. It just happens to come from the United States of America.
Washington is mobilizing behind WEC as its Nuclear technology champion. Examples include an agreement that contemplates US$ 80 billion in reactor projects & conditional DOE financing of US$ 17.5 billion for up to ten AP1000s.
Meanwhile, WEC's Canadian ownership may be in flux ahead of a potential IPO, with the US government positioned to acquire a substantial equity stake.
South Korean firms are also exploring ownership & supply-chain participation under a $120 billion nuclear partnership. And speaking of a "Golden Share," Korean media reports Washington may get one, granting it veto rights over major corporate decisions.
This is no time for the familiar Canadian reflex of excessive politeness, conflict avoidance & attempts to please everyone.
We need something of C.D. Howe’s wartime ambition: the confidence to identify vital national interests, mobilize our industrial capabilities & pursue them unapologetically.
Canada built its nuclear industry through precisely that kind of determination & should approach its future with the same resolve.
This is an excerpt from a more detailed essay. Read it on my Substack.
decouple.media/p/the-great-ca…
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Also filed under live television is a wonderful thing...
“I no longer feel proud to be Israeli… We are occupiers, yes… wait, i thought we were on commercial break!”
Amazing — Israeli actress Chelli Goldenberg accidentally tells the truth when she doesn’t realize she’s live on the air. (H/T @MintPressNews)
More: israelnationalnews.com/news/435190
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Live television is a wonderful thing!
Fox: Why are you here this morning?
Trump rally attendee: Well, in the late 70s, I was a little too young to go to South America for the Jonestown Massacre. But this is as close as I'll ever get, so that's why I'm here. There's nothing like seeing a cult right up front.
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Move over Champagne Socialists, here come the Lucky Lager Conservatives.
The British Columbia election itself was an astonishing act of political self-immolation for the @BCNDPCaucus.
Premier Eby’s defeat reflected frustrations that went well beyond industrial policy, but mier-elect @LDoerkson's victory speech revealed something more enduring than an election campaign's immediate grievances: a changing conception of which party speaks for the people who produce British Columbia’s wealth.
“It happens in Kitimat, where B.C. natural gas leaves to power the world. It happens in Fort St. John, where the gas comes out of the ground. In Prince George, Quesnel, and Williams Lake, where a mill job should still pay a family nicely.”
He continued his tour through the orchards of the Okanagan, the fishing fleets of Vancouver Island and the century-old smelter in Trail, before arriving in Surrey and, finally, Vancouver, “where the ideas and the head offices are.”
The ordering was evocative. Vancouver, the province’s financial and cultural capital, came last.
This political geography had an almost Hunger Games quality, with the prosperous metropolitan Capitol resting on the productive capacity of the surrounding districts. Yet Doerkson’s account went beyond the familiar populist denunciation of urban elites.
He described an integrated industrial economy in which a mill running in Quesnel supports a trucker working in Surrey, while a mine opening in the north keeps a port busy in Delta.
It was a celebration of productive labour that might once have been delivered by a socialist trade-union leader. Instead, it came from the newly victorious leader of British Columbia’s Conservative Party.
So how have populist conservatives become the voice of industrial labour?
Part of the answer lies in the changing nature of the threats facing industrial employment. When environmental restrictions threaten an industry’s continued operation, employers and employees can find themselves on the same side of the barricades.
A logging company and its workers may disagree over profit sharing, but they share a powerful interest in keeping the mill running.
The merchant right need not promise workers a larger share of the pie when it can present itself as the defender of the bakery.
Read the full essay on my s\/bst@ck. link in replies.
The British Columbia election itself was an astonishing act of political self-immolation for the @BCNDPCaucus.
Premier Eby’s defeat reflected frustrations that went well beyond industrial policy, but mier-elect @LDoerkson's victory speech revealed something more enduring than an election campaign's immediate grievances: a changing conception of which party speaks for the people who produce British Columbia’s wealth.
“It happens in Kitimat, where B.C. natural gas leaves to power the world. It happens in Fort St. John, where the gas comes out of the ground. In Prince George, Quesnel, and Williams Lake, where a mill job should still pay a family nicely.”
He continued his tour through the orchards of the Okanagan, the fishing fleets of Vancouver Island and the century-old smelter in Trail, before arriving in Surrey and, finally, Vancouver, “where the ideas and the head offices are.”
The ordering was evocative. Vancouver, the province’s financial and cultural capital, came last.
This political geography had an almost Hunger Games quality, with the prosperous metropolitan Capitol resting on the productive capacity of the surrounding districts. Yet Doerkson’s account went beyond the familiar populist denunciation of urban elites.
He described an integrated industrial economy in which a mill running in Quesnel supports a trucker working in Surrey, while a mine opening in the north keeps a port busy in Delta.
It was a celebration of productive labour that might once have been delivered by a socialist trade-union leader. Instead, it came from the newly victorious leader of British Columbia’s Conservative Party.
So how have populist conservatives become the voice of industrial labour?
Part of the answer lies in the changing nature of the threats facing industrial employment. When environmental restrictions threaten an industry’s continued operation, employers and employees can find themselves on the same side of the barricades.
A logging company and its workers may disagree over profit sharing, but they share a powerful interest in keeping the mill running.
The merchant right need not promise workers a larger share of the pie when it can present itself as the defender of the bakery.
Read the full essay on my s\/bst@ck. link in replies.
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"Henry Ford drew inspiration from the disassembly lines of Chicago’s meatpacking plants, where carcasses hung from overhead trolleys passed stationary butchers.
He reversed the process, adding rather than subtracting parts as an increasingly complex machine moved down the line ife."
Read the full essay on my subst@ck. Link in replies
He reversed the process, adding rather than subtracting parts as an increasingly complex machine moved down the line ife."
Read the full essay on my subst@ck. Link in replies
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Henry Ford's productivity revolution did not end at the factory gates. The farmer who abandoned his fields for the assembly line was now helping manufacture the tractors, trucks and agricultural machinery that would replace his own labour back on the farm.
His departure no nding loss of agricultural output. Instead, the remaining farmers could cultivate vastly more land with far fewer hands.
Consider the sheer multiplication of mechanical power. A human being engaged in sustained physical labour generates roughly 100 watts; a horse, 500–1,000 watts.
The engine of a typical family car can deliver more than 100,000 watts at full output. Make that kind of power ubiquitous in the form of a tractor or combine harvester, and a single farmer can cultivate and harvest land that once demanded the backbreaking labour of hundreds.
Extend this revolution to freight transport, construction, earthmoving and the colossal machinery of modern mining, and one begins to appreciate how thoroughly mechanical power has multiplied human productive capacity.
And critically, machines multiply machines. Excavators mine the iron ore, locomotives transport it, steel mills refine it, and precision machine tools transform it into still more machinery.
Fordism thus revolutionized productivity twice: first in the factory that produced the machine, then in the fields, mines, and workshops where that machine was put to work in an ever-accelerating, self-reinforcing cycle.
read the full essay on my subst@ck. link below.
His departure no nding loss of agricultural output. Instead, the remaining farmers could cultivate vastly more land with far fewer hands.
Consider the sheer multiplication of mechanical power. A human being engaged in sustained physical labour generates roughly 100 watts; a horse, 500–1,000 watts.
The engine of a typical family car can deliver more than 100,000 watts at full output. Make that kind of power ubiquitous in the form of a tractor or combine harvester, and a single farmer can cultivate and harvest land that once demanded the backbreaking labour of hundreds.
Extend this revolution to freight transport, construction, earthmoving and the colossal machinery of modern mining, and one begins to appreciate how thoroughly mechanical power has multiplied human productive capacity.
And critically, machines multiply machines. Excavators mine the iron ore, locomotives transport it, steel mills refine it, and precision machine tools transform it into still more machinery.
Fordism thus revolutionized productivity twice: first in the factory that produced the machine, then in the fields, mines, and workshops where that machine was put to work in an ever-accelerating, self-reinforcing cycle.
read the full essay on my subst@ck. link below.
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This would have stress-tested the spinelessness of Big Tech mightily.
Donald Trump has revealed that he told Google to rename the Atlantic “Trump Ocean”.
The US president said when he called Sundar Pichai, the tech firm’s chief executive, with the proposal, Mr Pichai pleaded with him to drop the request.
🔗 telegraph.co.uk/world-news/202…
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chris keefer retweeted
@Dr_Keefer Solid thesis. Solar proves it: PV tech existed in the 1950s, but only mass manufacturing in the 2000s drove costs down 90%. Energy is life, but manufacturing makes it cheap.
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I’ve long thought of myself as an energy determinist, perhaps even something of an energy reductionist, inclined to explain the extraordinary hockey stick of economic growth over the last several centuries primarily through the lens of the increasing availability of the “holy and gas.
As my friend Doomberg regularly opines, “Energy is Life.”
More recently, however, I’ve become something of a prime mover determinist, for energy alone can accomplish remarkably little without the means to transform it into useful work.
Plutarch recounts that during Alexander the Great’s conquests of the Middle East, he marveled at the flammability of the petroleum seepages he encountered in Mesopotamia.
However, beyond primitive incendiary applications, later developed into Greek Fire, petroleum remained little more than a curiosity for Alexander, who had no tanks or trucks with Otto or Diesel engines to harness this fossilized sunlight and turbocharge his force projection through mechanized mobility.
After reading @Stefan Link’s Forging Global Fordism at the suggestion of subscriber Engineer Guy, I am now firmly in the camp of the manufacturing determinists. The invention of prime movers accomplishes relatively little until they can be mass produced cheaply and in enormous quantities...
For the full essay check out my Subst@ck link below.
As my friend Doomberg regularly opines, “Energy is Life.”
More recently, however, I’ve become something of a prime mover determinist, for energy alone can accomplish remarkably little without the means to transform it into useful work.
Plutarch recounts that during Alexander the Great’s conquests of the Middle East, he marveled at the flammability of the petroleum seepages he encountered in Mesopotamia.
However, beyond primitive incendiary applications, later developed into Greek Fire, petroleum remained little more than a curiosity for Alexander, who had no tanks or trucks with Otto or Diesel engines to harness this fossilized sunlight and turbocharge his force projection through mechanized mobility.
After reading @Stefan Link’s Forging Global Fordism at the suggestion of subscriber Engineer Guy, I am now firmly in the camp of the manufacturing determinists. The invention of prime movers accomplishes relatively little until they can be mass produced cheaply and in enormous quantities...
For the full essay check out my Subst@ck link below.
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